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The Gambia: Radio Manager detained by National Intelligence Agency

Vivian Affoah
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On July 2, 2015, Alhagie Abdoulie Ceesay, the Managing Director of the Sunchu Alagie village community radio Taranga FM, was taken into custody by The Gambia’s National Intelligence Agency (NIA).

Ceesay was reportedly arrested after breaking his Ramadan fast at his residence in Sunchi Alagie village.

“We were just about to start Ataya [brewing the Chinese green tea], when someone came and informed [Abdoulie Ceesay] that a couple of people outside are asking for him,” said Amadou Ceesay, brother of Abdoulie Ceesay. “They came in a dark Pajero with a tinted glass. They had a brief discussion which was, of course, tense, and later took him away. I called him on his phone to find out what was happening, but he would not tell me, only that I should inform the Gambia Press Union.”

According to MFWA’s sources in The Gambia, Amadou Ceesay did not know the exact motivation behind his brother’s arrest. However, he suggested that the arrest might have been linked to a “critical statement” Abdoulie Ceesay made on his Facebook page. This Facebook posting can no longer be accessed, so the MFWA and its sources were unable to determine whether the post was a direct attack on the government or the leadership of the country.

Meanwhile, Taranga FM has remained on air despite several previous problems with Gambian authorities, including an order to close down following the December 30, 2014 attempted coup.

The MFWA remains worried about the safety of journalists and media workers in The Gambia, where impunity for crimes has been the norm under President Yahya Jammeh, and urges the NIA to respect  Abdoulie Cessay’s right to freedom of expression and immediately release him.

Tortured Gambian Journalist Demands Justice from ECOWAS

Vivian Affoah
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PhotoGrid_1435254327210In 2006, Gambian security forces subjected journalist Musa Saidykhan to one of the cruellest, most inhuman and degrading forms of treatment simply for exercising his right to freedom of expression. But Musa refused to let his torture break his spirit and, assisted by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), he successfully sued The Gambia at the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Community Court of Justice. The Court found that The Gambia had violated Musa’s human rights and awarded Musa US$200,000 in compensatory damages, which has yet to be paid. The MFWA thus joins Musa in demanding the implementation of justice and the payment of damages.

Last week (June 26, 2015), Musa conveyed his thoughts and feelings to the MFWA in an email interview, expressing his initial hope for receiving justice and consequent bitter disappointment after five years of The Gambia’s non-compliance. Throughout his statement, he reiterated his non-negotiable and urgent demand for justice from ECOWAS. You can read the first part of Musa’s interview with us here.

We were also interested in how Musa thought intergovernmental organizations and members of civil society, such as the MFWA, could help victims of human rights violations. Both intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations can help end impunity:

“Let [intergovernmental organizations] force The Gambia’s hand to comply with the [ECOWAS] rules. Whatever action is taken for the country to comply will restore confidence in the ECOWAS Court and ECOWAS and its partners. It’ll also [provide] closure for victims and serve as a deterrent to other countries [in non-compliance].

The civil society should work with the media to raise awareness and mount campaigns [around] gross violations of human rights, the importance of the ECOWAS Community Court and how The Gambia’s non-compliance is capable of demeaning the Court’s very purpose. “

Musa continued to tell us about the hardships he faced as a result of his injuries and trauma. While journalism has performed a healing function for Musa, his persisting physical pain has rendered everyday activities difficult:

“My active engagement with online media activism (publishing and broadcasting on www.kaironews.com) has helped lessen my nightmares and stress emanating from the brutal tortures [in The Gambia in 2006].

However, the severe back pain caused by the tortures has become part of my life. Seven months of back pain had almost succeeded in restricting my activities completely. I had been frequently in and out of hospital. The most unfortunate part of this is that I missed some days at work. I am now struggling to pay a huge medical bill.”

In addition, Musa struggles to accept his reality as a refugee and his inability to provide invaluable on-the-ground information to his Gambian brothers and sisters. Furthermore, he continues to live in fear for his and his family’s lives as blacks in the United States.

“I have never thought of [myself as] being a refugee, and coming to terms with refugee life has always been difficult for me to accept. I keep asking myself: why would I be forced into exile when I didn’t complete my mission of using my pen and keyboard to inform my news-hungry population, correct injustice and tell truth to power. I left at a time when my services were desperately needed. I am adjusting fast [to life] in the United States, but I am still inundated with nostalgia. I am also reeling from culture shock caused by separation from my family, friends and colleagues. I live with the fear of raising kids in an environment that has over and over [again] proven to be volatile for young black kids. The never-ending news of unarmed young black men being shot to death by police takes a bite on me (sic).”

Victims of human rights violations must often cope with on-going trauma, sometimes against the backdrop of displacement and refugee life, and many never see justice. Musa’s story is perhaps unique in that he received court-mandated justice on paper but has been denied it in practice by The Gambia’s persistent non-compliance and the Court’s inability to enforce decisions. Moreover, ECOWAS’ failure to force The Gambia to comply with court judgments has further compounded Musa’s grievances. The MFWA strongly urges ECOWAS to do as Musa demands and use its powers under Article 77 of the ECOWAS Treaty to sanction The Gambia such that justice and compensation is finally delivered to Musa.

Niger, Nigeria top free expression violations in first quarter of 2015 – MFWA Report

Vivian Affoah
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Niger, Nigeria top free expression violations in first quarter of 2015 – MFWA Report

Niger and Nigeria were the greatest violators of freedom of expression and press freedom during the first quarter of 2015, a report by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has revealed.

The report is based on analyses of incidents of free expression violations in the 16 countries of West Africa and published as the quarterly West Africa Free Expression Monitor. According to the report, Niger and Nigeria recorded 10 and 9 incidents of violations, respectively. Together, the two countries accounted for nearly half of the total 43 recorded incidents of free expression violations across the region from January to March, 2015.

In Niger, law enforcement agencies used excessive force, including teargas, against journalists and demonstrators, in addition to arbitrarily arresting and detaining individuals. In neighbouring Nigeria, state and non-state actors physically attacked, threatened, arbitrarily arrested and detained, and censored individuals exercising their right to freedom of expression.

During the period covered by the report, incidents of violations were reported in ten countries, including Niger and Nigeria. The other eight countries are Benin (3 incidents), The Gambia (7), Ghana (3), Guinea (3), Guinea-Bissau (1), Mali (1), Senegal (3), and Sierra Leone (3).

Except in Mali and Sierra Leone, police or security forces abused free expression rights in every country that recorded incidents and were the top violators in the region. They perpetrated the majority of incidents of violations (25 incidents), contravening states’ obligation to respect and protect human rights, including the right to freedom of expression.

“State actors, including police and security forces, are directed by international, African, and West African treaties and protocols to respect and protect the safety of journalists and to fight against impunity,” said Anjali Manivannan, the Programme Officer for Free Expression Rights Monitoring and Campaigns at the MFWA. “Instead, we found a worrying situation in which police and security forces inhibit press freedom by violating journalists’ physical integrity, liberty, and security.”

The West Africa Free Expression Monitor analyses incidents of freedom of expression violations in all 16 countries in West Africa—the 15 ECOWAS Member States plus Mauritania. It highlights where violations occurred as well as the types of violations and perpetrators. This edition also captures other salient issues, such as media unprofessionalism, and positive developments related to freedom of expression.

Read the full report with executive summary and recommendations here.

The Gambia: Security forces interrogate newspaper editorial team

Vivian Affoah
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On July 1, 2015, the National Intelligent Agency (NIA) in The Gambia interrogated Editor-in-Chief/proprietor and four senior staff reporters of The Voice newspaper, the only independent newspaper in the country.

The people interrogated were the Editor-in-Chief and proprietor, Musa S. Sheriff; News Editor and Newsroom coordinator, Sulayman Ceesay; Assistant News Editor, Bakary Ceesay; and Senior Reporters, Amadou Bah and Mafugi Ceesay.

The MFWA’s sources say the NIA requested the reporters’ personal details, their friends and family contacts, and photos of the team. The NIA also interrogated the newspaper about how it obtains reports, its aim and objective, what they stand for and the kind of information they cover.

Investigators also asked about the paper’s source of revenue, travels and contacts outside The Gambia. According to the sources, the NIA said the reason behind the interrogation was to collect the details of the journalists for their safety and security, because there are so many talks concerning the paper and its reporters.

“This is for your own safety and security, this will help us to have a data on you people so anybody come and give us any information about you people, we will refer to the data and will ascertain whether what the person said is true or not,” one of the interrogators reportedly said.

The MFWA is concerned that the interrogations by the NIA, coupled with other recent violations against The Voice staff, have the tendency to lead to self-censorship.

On June 3, soldiers arrested and briefly detained Mafugi Ceesay when he went to cover a presidential meeting without a clearance or permission from the authorities.

In January 13, 2014, Musa S Sheriff was arrested together with a freelance journalist, Sainey Mareneh, and charged with false publication for reporting that 19 persons had defected from President Jammeh’s Alliance for Patriotic Re-orientation and Construction to the opposition United Democracy Party. The two journalists were charged with “conspiracy to commit felony” and “publication of false news with intent to cause fear and alarm to the public.” After a 10-month trial, Sheriff and Mareneh were acquitted by a court in Banjul.

The notorious NIA in The Gambia have abused the rights of  many citizens and journalists in the country. The NIA were responsible for the arrest and torture of Musa Saidykhan in March and the arrest and enforced disappearance of Ebrimah Manneh in July 2006.

Civil Society Declaration on Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir’s visit to South Africa without Arrest

Vivian Affoah
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1 July 2015

The undersigned civil society groups, working on international criminal justice and human rights, express our deep disappointment with the actions of South African officials in allowing Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, under charges of the most serious crimes, to depart the country in defiance of a court order and South Africa’s international legal obligations. We applaud the efforts of the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), which sought to ensure that the government of South Africa abided by its international obligations by arresting al-Bashir.

President al-Bashir, charged with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in connection with the conflict in Darfur was in South Africa from 13-15 June for an African Union Summit.  South Africa was under a clear obligation to arrest him pursuant to two warrants of arrest issued against him by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on 4 March 2009 (for war crimes and crimes against humanity) and on 12 July 2010 (for genocide).

South Africa is a party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Pursuant to the terms of that treaty mandating international cooperation and assistance with the ICC, South Africa was required to facilitate the arrest and surrender of President al-Bashir to The Hague in the Netherlands, the seat of the International Criminal Court. In addition, South Africa’s domestication of the Rome Statute of the ICC makes the government’s failure to arrest President Omar al-Bashir a contravention of domestic law as well.

On 13 June, ICC Presiding Judge Cuno Tarfusser issued a decision declaring that “there exists no ambiguity or uncertainty with respect to the obligation of the Republic of South Africa to immediately arrest and surrender Omar al-Bashir to the Court, and that the competent authorities in the Republic of South Africa are already aware of this obligation.”

Against this background, and because the South African authorities did not appear to intend to effect the arrest of President al-Bashir, the Southern African Litigation Centre moved an application once al-Bashir was in South Africa to compel the Government of South Africa to discharge its legal obligations to arrest al-Bashir and surrender him to the ICC. During the proceedings before the Pretoria High Court, Justice Hans Fabricius made an interim order “compelling Respondents to prevent President Omar al-Bashir from leaving the country until an order is made in this court” after the State opposed the application.

We noted with deep concern reports that rather than arresting President al-Bashir, South African officials apparently allowed him to leave the country in direct defiance of the order by the Pretoria High Court. The actions pose serious consequences for the independence of the judiciary in South Africa and demonstrate a flagrant lack of respect for the rule of law and the rights of Darfur’s victims to have access to justice.

As made clear by ICC Presiding Judge Cuno Tarfusser in his 13 June decision: “the immunities granted to Omar Al Bashir under international law and attached to his position as a Head of State have been implicitly waived by the Security Council of the United Nations by resolution 1593 (2005) referring the situation in Darfur, Sudan to the Prosecutor of the Court, and that the Republic of South Africa cannot invoke any other decision, including that of the African Union, providing for any obligation to the contrary.”

The recent actions by South Africa have the potential to erode the people’s confidence in the administration of justice particularly because it raises issues of equality before the law, the legitimacy of the courts and court orders being binding on everyone as provided for in Article 165 (2), (4) and (5) of the Constitution of South Africa (1994) respectively. If State officials can disregard with impunity the interim order of the Pretoria Court, what will stop them from undermining future court orders? That is the question foremost on the minds of many South Africans today.

We call on the courts of South Africa to establish accountability and on the government to undertake an independent investigation into the circumstances that allowed for the departure of President al-Bashir in defiance of the Pretoria Court order and international arrest warrant and for full cooperation with the Court’s own inquiry on the matter. Those responsible must be brought to prompt justice, including for contempt of court. We also call on the Assembly of States Parties of the ICC to take appropriate action to address non-compliance by South Africa and other States who breach their obligations of cooperation and assistance under the ICC Statute. We call on the United Nations Security Council which was briefed by the ICC Prosecutor on the situation in Darfur on 29 June to strongly reaffirm the obligation of States parties to duly cooperate with the ICC. Members of the Security Council, who referred Darfur to the ICC, have a special responsibility to fully support and facilitate the prosecutor’s continued work.

We also call on governments and political parties alike to respect the space afforded to civil society organisations, pursuant to the South African Constitution, to litigate in the interests of the public. Matters of justice and accountability are pursued in the interests of the public, and civil society organisations have a mandate that warrants action when government authorities act in contravention of constitutionally protected values. Access to justice is a constitutionally enshrined right that all are entitled to utilise.

This document has been signed by the following organizations:

  1. Associação de Reintegração dos Jovens/Crianças na Vida Social, Angola
  2. Associação Justiça Paz e Democracia, Angola
  3. Missão de Beneficência Agropecuária do Kubango, Inclusão, Tecnologias e Ambiente, Angola
  4. Omunga Association, Angola
  5. DITSHWANELO – The Botswana Centre for Human Rights, Botswana
  6. Coalition Burundaise pour la Cour Pénale Internationale, Burundi
  7. Cameroon Coalition for the International Criminal Court, Cameroon
  8. Associação Caboverdiana de Mulheres Juristas, Cape Verde
  9. Coalition pour la Cour Pénale Internationale de la République Centrafricaine, Central African Republic
  10. Coalition Ivoirienne pour la Cour Pénale Internationale, Côte d’Ivoire
  11. Groupe de Travail sur les Instruments Internationaux de l’ONU, Côte d’Ivoire
  12. Observatoire Ivoirien des Droits de l’Homme, Côte d’Ivoire
  13. Réseau Equitas, Côte d’Ivoire
  14. Action Congolaise pour le Respect des Droits Humains, Democratic Republic of the Congo
  15. Club des Amis du Droit du Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo
  16. Observatoire decentralize de la RADDHO pour la Région des Grands Lacs, Democratic Republic of the Congo
  17. Vision Sociale, Democratic Republic of the Congo
  18. Human Rights Concern – Eritrea
  19. African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies, Gambia
  20. Africa Legal Aid, Ghana, Netherlands
  21. Media Foundation for West Africa, Ghana
  22. International Center for Policy and Conflict, Kenya
  23. International Commission of Jurists, Kenya
  24. Kenya Human Rights Commission, Kenya
  25. Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice, Kenya
  26. Transformation Resource Centre, Lesotho
  27. Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation, Malawi
  28. Centre for Human Rights Education, Advice and Assistance, Malawi
  29. Centre for the Development of People, Malawi
  30. Network of Religious Leaders Living with or Personally Affected by HIV and AIDS, Malawi
  31. Maphunziro Foundation, Malawi
  32. Coalition Malienne pour la Cour Pénale Internationale, Mali
  33. Femmes et Droits Humains, Mali
  34. Association Mauritanienne des Droits de l’Homme, Mauritania
  35. Associação, Mulher, Lei e Desenvolvimento, Mozambique
  36. AIDS & Rights Alliance for Southern Africa, Namibia
  37. NamRights, Namibia
  38. Access to Justice, Nigeria
  39. Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre, Nigeria
  40. Coalition for Eastern NGOs, Nigeria
  41. Legal Defence & Assistance Project, Nigeria
  42. National Coalition on Affirmative Action, Nigeria
  43. Nigerian Coalition for the International Criminal Court, Nigeria
  44. Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, Nigeria
  45. West African Bar Association, Nigeria
  46. Women Advocates’ Research and Documentation Center, Nigeria
  47. Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme, Senegal
  48. African Center for Democratic Studies, Sierra Leone
  49. Centre for Accountability and Rule of Law, Sierra Leone
  50. Society for Democratic Initiatives, Sierra Leone
  51. Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria, South Africa
  52. Corruption Watch, South Africa
  53. Gay and Lesbian Network, South Africa
  54. Global Interfaith Network on Sex, Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Expression, South Africa
  55. International Crime in Africa Programme, Institute for Security Studies, South Africa
  56. Human Rights Institute of South Africa, South Africa
  57. Khulumani Support Group, South Africa
  58. Ndifuna Ukwazi, South Africa
  59. Section27, South Africa
  60. Sonke Gender Justice, South Africa
  61. Street Law South Africa, South Africa
  62. New Sudan Council of Churches, South Sudan
  63. Voice for Change, South Sudan
  64. Darfur Bar Association, Sudan
  65. Darfur Relief and Documentation Centre, Switzerland
  66. Children Education Society, Tanzania
  67. Kisarawe Paralegals Organization, Tanzania
  68. LGBT Voice, Tanzania
  69. Services Health & Development For People Living Positively HIV/AIDS, Tanzania
  70. Tanzania Network of Women Living with HIV and AIDS, Tanzania
  71. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, Uganda
  72. African Freedom of Information Centre, Uganda
  73. Empowered at Dusk Women’s Association, Uganda
  74. Foundation for Human Rights Initiative, Uganda
  75. Human Rights Network, Uganda
  76. Initiative for Rural Development, Uganda
  77. Uganda Coalition for the International Criminal Court, Uganda
  78. Uganda Victims Foundation, Uganda
  79. Initiative for Civil Liberties, Zambia
  80. Southern Africa Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes, Zambia
  81. Counselling Services Unit, Zimbabwe
  82. Research and Advocacy Unit, Zimbabwe
  83. Zimbabwe Human Rights Association, Zimbabwe
  84. Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Zimbabwe
  85. Sudan Zero Conflict, UK
  86. Waging Peace, UK
  87. Act for Sudan, USA
  88. Coalition for Darfur & Marginalized Sudan, USA
  89. Darfur Women Action Group, USA
  90. Dear Sudan, Love Marin, USA
  91. International Justice Project, USA
  92. Investors Against Genocide, USA
  93. Massachusetts Coalition to Save Darfur, USA
  94. Pittsburgh Darfur Emergency Coalition, USA
  95. San Francisco Bay Area Darfur Coalition, USA
  96. Sudan Unlimited, USA
  97. Coalition for the International Criminal Court
  98. Fédération Internationale des Droits de l’Homme
  99. Human Rights Watch
  100. International Commission of Jurists
  101. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom

Gambia ALERT: Musician flees country following death threats

Vivian Affoah
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Ali Cham, a Gambian rapper popularly known as Killa Ace, has fled the country after he and his family received death threats via phone from the dreaded National Intelligence Agency (NIA).

The threat on Cham’s life follows the release of a song on June 23 about the human rights abuses by President Yahya Jammeh’s government. The song decried the censorship and violations against journalists, religious leaders, human rights activists and citizens.

“My wife and I, and my manager, incessantly received death threats and calls from the NIA demanding my whereabouts,” Cham reportedly told journalists.

Cham fled to neighbouring Senegal with his family and management team and is currently seeking asylum there.

Due to the oppressive behaviours of the government of Jammeh, many Gambians have sought asylum in Senegal, USA and Europe.

Guinea: Policeman beat journalist

Vivian Affoah
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On Sunday, June 28, 2015, a cadet policeman from the Compagnie mobile d’Intervention et de Sécurité (Mobile Intervention and Security Company) beat up Amadou Labaya Camara, a sports reporter of Continental FM, in Guinea.

The incident happened when the journalist went to cover a match between Association Sportive du Kaloum and Horoya Athletic Club, two big sports clubs in Guinea’s capital, Conakry.

 “I was going to interview the players when this cadet policeman stopped me,” Camara told MFWA’s correspondent in Guinea. “He struck me violently in the face, I fell down and blood flowed from above my eye. I then fainted.

The cadet policeman also reportedly insulted journalists present and called them “damned souls.”

“He was not dealt with by the top police hierarchy. The policemen at the scene were rather happy,” a journalist who witnessed the incident told our correspondent.

According to our correspondent, Camara has indicated he will lodge a complaint against the unnamed cadet policeman.

The MFWA remains worried about the safety of journalists in Guinea. Members of the security forces in Guinea continue to abuse journalists. A troubling number of violations reported in Guinea are perpetrated by police or gendarmes. On account of this disturbing trend, in March 2015, the MFWA petitioned the Commander of the Guinean Gendamerie to punish gendarmes who abuse journalists in their line of work. The Commander has yet to respond.

Nigeria: Smugglers brutally beat journalist

Vivian Affoah
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Yomi-OlomofeOn June 25, 2015, persons suspected to be smugglers severely beat up Yomi Olomofe, Executive Director and Chairman of the Editorial Board of Badagry Prime, a news magazine in Nigeria.

The assailants who beat Olomofe also took his three mobile phones, reportedly valued at about N500,000 (about US$2,500), a gold wristwatch and an undisclosed amount of money.

“I was in company of another journalist colleague, the correspondent of Tide Newspaper, during a visit to the [Seme] Command, when some smugglers, who claimed journalists have been writing negative stories about them, pounced on me, having known me very well and beat me to stupor,” Olomofe told journalists on June 28 from his hospital bed.

He also told journalists he suspected the attack was set-up.

“I was at the Seme Command on the invitation of the authority of the [Customs] Service, so I wonder how anybody could have been waiting for me there,” Olomofe said. “How do they know that I will be there?”

According to Olomofe, he was assaulted in front of some Customs officers who did nothing to rescue him. “This incident happened within the Customs premises and I don’t know what they will do again,” he said. “My life is not safe and that is why I am appealing to the police to come to my rescue.”

The MFWA condemns this attack on Olomofe. We are concerned about the increase in violence by both state and non-state actors against journalists and people exercising their right to free expression in Nigeria. We urge Nigeria President Muhammadu Buhari to quickly institute measures to protect the safety of journalists and others so all can freely express themselves.

Photo credit: PM News

Nigeria: 9 sentenced to death for blasphemy against Prophet Mohammed

Vivian Affoah
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On June 25, 2015, a Sharia Court of Appeal in Rijiyar Lemo in Kano State, North-West Nigeria sentenced nine persons to death for alleged blasphemy against Prophet Mohammed.

Reporting the incident, the MFWA’s partner organisation in Nigeria, Media Rights Agenda (MRA), said the court found Abdul-Inyas, Hajiya Mairo (a woman) and seven others guilty of blasphemy and sentenced them to death for offences allegedly committed in early June 2015.

Abdul-Inyas, a leader of the Tijjaniyya Muslim sect, was accused of making “unguarded statements against Prophet Mohammed” during a sermon at Goron Dutse, an area in the Kano metropolis. It is unclear what the exact offences of the other convicted persons were. Four more persons—Alkasim Abubakar, Yahya Abubakar, Isa Abubakar, and Abdullahi Abubakar— had been arrested alongside the nine convicted persons, but the court reportedly freed them.

According to the MRA, the information about the convictions and sentences was disclosed to the public through a statement signed by a court official whose name was only given as Nasiru. The statement said the nine persons were found guilty of blasphemy under Sections 110 and 382b of the Sharia Penal Code 2000.

“The statement, while disclosing that the persons have been sentenced to death, noted that some Muslims in Kano had threatened violence if the accused were set free,” said the MRA report.

The trial was reportedly carried out in secret: details of its proceedings; the name of the trial judge; and the names of the seven other persons who were sentenced were not disclosed.

This is the second instance in recent times that a court in West Africa has sentenced persons for blasphemy against Prophet Mohammed. On December 24, 2014, a court in Mauritania sentenced blogger Mohamed Cheikh Ould Mohamed to death on apostasy charges. Mohamed was arrested on January 2, 2014 and taken into investigative custody before being charged with apostasy for an article published on his personal blog and on other websites in Mauritania. His article, “Religion, religiosity and craftsmen,” criticised Prophet Mohammed’s decisions during “holy wars.” In the article, Mohammed also said followers of Islam interpreted the religion according to their circumstances.

Event: Stakeholder Forum On Cyber Security In Ghana

Vivian Affoah
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Hacker typing on a laptop
Hacker typing on a laptop

Key national stakeholders from government, business, industry, security and civil society will meet in Accra on Tuesday, June 30, 2015 to deliberate on Cyber-Security issues in Ghana. Participants will reflect on a recent analysis of the cyber threat landscape in the country and come up with recommendations for the way forward.

The Stakeholder Forum under the theme ‘Challenges of Cyber-security to National Development’ has become necessary following the increasing incidents of cyber-related criminal activities in the country as noted by the Global Internet Crime Report (2013). It will have representation from institutions such as the Bureau of National Investigation, the Criminal Investigation Department, Ghana Telecoms Chamber, National Communications Authority and the Ghana Internet Service Providers Association with the Minister of Communication Dr. Edward Omane Boamah delivering the key note address.

The Forum is being organised by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) as part of its Internet Freedom Programme with the UK-based Global Partners Digital. The platform will also be used to make public a Policy Brief which highlights specific cybercrimes with very current examples, their implications and recommendations on how the various stakeholders can support efforts to curtail the menace.

“As users of the internet for many different purposes, we are all at risk of one cybercrime or the other. That there is increasing incidents of cyber-related criminal activities in Ghana is worrying and definitely a clarion call on stakeholders to act to arrest the situation before it gets out of hand. We believe this forum will indeed come up with concrete recommendations to curtail the menace” said Dora B. Mawutor, Coordinator of the MFWA’s Internet Freedom Programme.

For further information about the MFWA’s Internet Freedom Programme or the Stakeholder Forum contact the MFWA on 0302242470 or email [email protected].

Photo credit:UWF

Ghana ALERT: Parliament summons radio host, editor

Vivian Affoah
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Ahmed at the Committee hearing. Credit: sizzlergh.com
Ahmed at the Committee hearing. Credit: sizzlergh.com

On June 25, 2015, Abubakar Ahmed, popularly known Blakk Rasta, a musician and radio host on privately-owned Hitz FM in Accra and Ken Kuranchie, editor of the Daily Searchlight newspaper appeared before the Privileges Committee of Ghana’s Parliament.

The MFWA’s correspondent in Ghana reported on June 22, the Speaker of Parliament summoned Ahmed for comments he made on his radio show on June 16. He was reported to have said over 80% of members of Ghana’s parliament smoke marijuana .While Kuranchie was summoned to explain why his newspaper published the said comments in its June 17, 2015, edition.

At the hearing, Ahmed apologised to the Committee for his comments.

 “The utterances were unfortunate. If you check the interview, it was on something else, but this one came on the spur of the moment.” Ahmed told the Committee. “So I will like to apologise for those unfortunate remarks.”

Kuranchie also apologised for publishing the story and indicated that he culled the story from the website adomfmonline.com. Adomfmonline.com, however, removed the story after posting it.

Ebo Barton Odro, Deputy Speaker of Parliament and Chairperson of the Privileges Committee, said the Committee will sit and review the issue and announce its decision later.

Concerns have been recently expressed about increasing unprofessionalism, including the use of abusive language, in the Ghanaian media. The MFWA has indicated that the falling standards and growth in abusive language have catalysed a marked decrease in public support of the media.

Ghana ALERT: Protesters attack journalists, police fail to protect

Vivian Affoah
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Some demonstrators destroying property. Credit: graphiconline.com.gh
Some demonstrators destroying property. Credit: graphiconline.com.gh

On June 22, 2015, angry residents of Old Fadama, a slum popularly known as Sodom and Gomorrah in Ghana’s capital, Accra, attacked some journalists who had gone to cover their demonstration against the demolition of their homes by the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA).

According to news reports, some of the residents pelted journalists with stones, destroyed their cameras and physically assaulted some of them.

A news team from privately-owned TV Africa was attacked by the protesters. A. C. Ohene, head of news and current affairs of TV Africa, told MFWA’s correspondent in Ghana that the protesters destroyed their video camera and chased them. Gertrude Gyan, camerawoman, and Memuna Uthman Ibrahim made up the rest of the TV Africa crew. Ibrahim fell in the process of fleeing and sustained injuries on her stomach and arms.

Further, Latif Iddrisu of privately-owned Joy FM was physically attacked for photographing the demonstrators as they destroyed property. According to myjoyonline.com, about five protesters descended on Iddrisu for taking pictures of them, injuring him in the process. Eventually, Iddrisu had to drop his phone to distract the mob and escape.

On June 20-21, the AMA embarked on a demolition exercise in the Old Fadama area, alleging that the homes were on water ways and had caused recent floods in Accra. However, the next day, some residents decided to demonstrate without obtaining police clearance. The protests were violent, and the demonstrators destroyed property. Following this violence, the police arrested some protesters but allegedly released some after others threatened to cause further mayhem if their friends were not released.

The MFWA is particularly concerned about this incident due to reports of the police’s failure to protect the journalists during the attack. A voice report on citifmonline.com indicates that some police officers actually fled from the journalists in the middle of an interview. Police have a duty to respect and protect the rights of the people, including the right to freedom of expression and press freedom. It is thus extremely regrettable the police failed to even take steps to protect the safety of journalists. We urge the police to investigate this incident and greatly sensitise police on their role as protectors of all members of society, including journalists, and to punish the protesters who attacked the journalists.

We also appeal to media organisations to train journalists on safety procedures and how to conduct risk assessments to protect themselves when they are reporting on events which are or could turn violent.

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