The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) is deeply concerned by the continuous bloody crackdown on demonstrators opposed to attempts by President Conde to seek a third term in office, and calls on the authorities to call the security forces to order.
Since mid-October 2019, Guinea has recorded a series of killings in connection with street protests against the proposed modification of the country’s Constitution to allow President Conde to contest presidential elections after his two constitutional terms expire later this year. The security forces have used tear gas, live ammunition to quell the demonstrators, with about 20 people dead, including children and a security officer.
In the latest incident, two people were killed on January 13, 2020, one in the capital, Conakry, and the other in the northern town of Labé, some 400 kilometres from the capital.
Mamadou Sow, a 21-year-old high school student, was shot dead by security forces in Coza, in the Ratoma district of Conakry during the nation-wide demonstrations.
“There were clashes, stone-throwing and tear gas. At one point, we heard an explosion. We heard shouting and all the young people gathered around my nephew, who was on the ground, wounded in the chest,” the uncle of the deceased told the media.
Another demonstrator, Amadou Diallo, also died from gunshot wounds after the security forces opened fire to disperse demonstrators who were attacking a Court building in Labé.
While official sources indicate 15 people have so far been killed since the anti-Conti demonstrations began, other sources, including the coalition of organisations leading the campaign against the third term agenda, put the death toll at 20 people at least.
The MFWA is alarmed at the increasing death toll from police brutalities against demonstrators and urge the authorities to end the use of live bullets in controlling these demonstrations. The right to peaceful assembly and procession is a fundamental human right and people must not lose their lives for exerting this right.
Liberia, a country formerly applauded for successfully ending two civil wars, has now become a country accused of violating freedom of expression from what analysts believe is intensifying under ex-footballer turned president, George Weah.
Just one week into the new year, thousands stormed the streets of Monrovia and marched to its capitol building in an attempt to crack down on the country’s government. Hours into the protests, police sprayed tear gas and fired a water cannon at demonstrators, sending dozens to emergency rooms throughout the city. Numerous reports reveal President Weah’s administration stifled the freedom of expression from several journalists and media houses, including the 2019 incident when unknown assailants attacked Joy FM, a radio station based in Monrovia. The assailants disrupted the station’s transmission by cutting the cables connecting the antenna to the transmitter.
In another incident just the year prior, a journalist working with a local radio station in the country was killed while he was going to work. The killing came at a particularly difficult moment for the media in Liberia, which was in the beginning stages of coming under siege after the offices of FrontPageAfrica (FPA), Liberia’s leading online newspaper, were shut down and its staff bundled away by sheriffs. The action was in connection with an advertiser’s announcement published in the newspaper, which resulted in a $1.8 million suit.
Background
President Weah replaced former Nobel Peace Prize winner, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, as commander-in-chief in January 2018, a time when the country inched closer towards progress. Under the Sirleaf administration, she increased efforts in safeguarding free speech. According to Freedom House, an independent watchdog organization, “conditions for the media improved slightly in 2015 as the country recovered from the previous year’s outbreak of the Ebola virus, which had prompted a state of emergency and related restrictions on journalists.” But problems remained. Days before Sirleaf’s presidential term was about to end, she was ousted by her own political party and faced numerous allegations of “corruption and nepotism.”
So, when former UN goodwill ambassador, President Weah, stepped onto the political stage, the future of Liberia’s media landscape appeared optimistic. The prized athlete, who won World Player of the Year in both Africa and Europe, excelled equally in football as he did in activism, as he was credited for helping to end the country’s crippling civil war, among other humanitarian efforts. In 2005, he ran for president, but lost to his opponent, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Then in 2014, he clinched a seat in Senate against Robert Sirleaf (Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s son), winning in a landslide with 78% of the votes.
Three years later, the promising politician – with no political experience – was named candidate for president under the Coalition for Democratic Change (CDC). In 2017, he was elected president and one month later, he was sworn in. “I measure the importance and the responsibility of the immense task which I embrace today,” he tweeted shortly after the win. “Change is on.”
Change is on, but not for the better. Liberians were stunned when state actors including President Weah, his senior appointees and members of Parliament acted in ways that have put the government and the media on a collision course amid fears that the situation might reverse the country’s democratic gains.
In a statement issued in March 2018, which amply captures the frosty government-media relations, the umbrella journalists’ organization in Liberia, Press Union of Liberia (PUL), said that “it has followed with total dismay rabble-rousing comments from different sections of the Weah Administration directed towards the media in Liberia.”
In 2019, however, analysts applauded the country’s administration when it decriminalized libel, which experts said was a crucial catalyst for freedom of expression and press freedom in Liberia. President Weah signed into law on February 28, 2019 a bill to amend sections 11:11, 11.12 and 11.14 of the criminal code which prescribed prison terms for a range of speech offenses. The Senate endorsed the bill on February 7, 2019 after the House of Representatives of the Liberian parliament had approved it on July 3, 2018, paving the way for President Weah’s eventual signature.
But more needs to be done. In addition to several corruption allegations that have left a unremovable smear on his presidency, President Weah must ensure that Liberians have access to internet and social media platforms, especially after apps including Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp were disrupted throughout Liberia in June 2019. According to the internet advocacy group, Netblocks, there were also disruptions to the Associated Press website and Google’s news services.
With three years left in office, President Weah still holds a unique opportunity to reshape Liberia through media and good governance. The media should continue to apply the necessary pressure on government to ensure that its 4.7 million people have access to the information they justly deserve.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has learnt with extreme sadness the killing of Maxwell Nashan, a journalist with the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), Adamawa State, and calls for thorough investigations to apprehend the killers.
Nashan was found tied and muzzled in a bush on January 15, 2020 on the outskirts of Vunokilan, Girei Local Government Area of Adamawa State, with his body hacked at several places.
Some female farmers found Nashan and alerted members of the civil defence who rushed to the scene and carried the journalist to the hospital, but it was too late, as he died on arrival.
Nashan’s colleague, Fidelis Jocktan, has said the victim “was picked by his assailants at his residence in Bachure area.”
Nashan’s murder revives painful memories of the unresolved killing of four journalists in Nigeria in 2017. The four were Famous Giobaro, a desk editor with Glory FM in Bayelsa State, Lawrence Okojie of the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA) in Edo State, Ikechukwu Onubogu, a cameraman with the Anambra Broadcasting Services and Abdul Ganiyu Lawal, a freelance broadcaster in Ekiti State.
Unfortunately, the inability of the Police to thoroughly investigate the killings and apprehend the perpetrators has made it impossible to establish whether the victims were targeted for their work as journalists. This situation is liable to create a sense of insecurity among journalists and encourage future perpetrators.
The MFWA therefore urges the authorities in Nigeria to conduct effective and expeditious investigations into the killing of Nashan and the previous cases in order to apprehend the culprits and bring them to justice.
Ahead of Togo’s critical elections next month, Rachad Bani Samari of the Media Foundation for West Africa’s Media and Good Governance programme highlights some challenges the country faces and suggests recommendations.
On February 22, 2020, Togo, a former French colony, will be heading to the polls to elect its President out of seven candidates including the long standing 53-year-old incumbent, Faure Gnassingbé, who will be contesting for a fourth term in office.
The upcoming 2020 elections is the first being held since presidential term limits were restored in May 2019. This election brings back to focus a number of issues including: new presidential term limit, new electoral code which makes it possible for Togolese from the diaspora to vote, media professionalism and fake news, and fears of a possible social media shutdown.
The stakes are very high considering the number of candidates running for office. The ruling party, Union for the Republic (UNIR) of Faure Gnassingbé is bent on retaining power while the two major opposition candidates, Jean Pierre Fabre of the National Alliance for Change (ANC) and Agbeyomé Messan Kodjo, of the Patriotic Movement for Democracy and Development (MPDD) respectively, are determined to win power and lead the country to its first democratic transition since the country gained independence in 1960.
New Laws
Ahead of the 2020 presidential election, the country’s parliament in May 2019, voted to approve a new law introducing a two-term limit mandate, which allows the longstanding President Faure Gnassingbé to potentially stay in power until 2030, thus extending his family’s grip on power to 63 years. Fuare’s father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, had led the country from 1967 until his death in 2005.
Faure Gnassingbé is the current President of Togo. Source: Medium
The law was passed despite massive protests in 2017 from citizens calling for the President to step down. The protests resulted in deadly clashes between citizens and security forces.
Also ahead of the 2020 polls, Parliament adopted a new electoral code which allows Togolese from the diaspora to participate in Presidential elections. The new law outlines a number of criteria for embassies to serve as polling stations and further outlines processes through which Togolese from the diaspora can register and vote. This modification was generally welcome by politicians considering it has been a long demand from citizens both in the country and the diaspora. Moreover, the new law complies with ECOWAS’s recommendations aimed at urging the government to define frameworks guiding Togolese from the diaspora to participate in elections.
The Media and the Elections
Freedom of expression and of the press are constitutionally guaranteed in the country. Unfortunately, civil protests are sometimes met with government crackdown. The media landscape is constituted of a huge number of media organisations with about 171 newspapers, 74 radio stations, and 10 TV channels. Despite such a vibrant media landscape, findings from the 2017 African Media Barometer report on Togo revealed that, editorial independence of the public print is not sufficiently guaranteed.
Ahead of the February 2020 polls, the country has seen a heavy emphasis of politics in the media. The traditional media has been active in covering election related issues. Additionally, the media is increasingly serving as a platform allowing both citizens and politicians to express their views, and concerns through radio and TV discussions, as well as phone ins.
Active campaigning starts from February 06, 2020 and already the state-owned media in its attempt to give a fair coverage to all presidential candidates, has outlined plans to provide a fixed number airtime to every candidate to share their ideas and express themselves. These would be broadcast across 54 radio stations in the country.
Although the country in general, and particularly the media landscape, seem relatively calm in the face of the newly-introduced laws and the upcoming elections, critical challenges remain that need to be highlighted.
Growing censorship among majority of the media
Interviews with several influential journalists in Togo point to a growing practice of censorship among journalists ahead of the upcoming elections. Increasingly, many journalists abstain from publishing critical and sensitive articles, especially when they are about governmental authorities, public figures, corruption, the army, etc.
Although there are laws protecting media professionals, their implementation has not fully been effective as journalists are sometimes subjected to physical assault. Furthermore, for reasons of social responsibility, journalists increasingly practice self-censorship in electioneering years. According to Freedom House’s 2016 report, direct censorship increased during past election periods.
Media alignment to political parties/candidates
Increasingly, media outlets especially private ones have begun aligning themselves to some candidates. The current situation shows a seeming partisanship in the media space with some media organisations aligned to the ruling party and others aligned with the opposition.
In order to address this challenge and to ensure a level of objectivity and professionalism from the media, the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) together with the Authority for Audio Visual Communication (HAAC) organised on November 27th, 2019 a workshop aimed at sensitising journalists on their roles and responsibilities before, during and after the 2020 election. In addition, HAAC is organising across the country a number of sensitisation meetings with media professionals urging them to be more objective in information dissemination.
Fear of a Social Media Ban
Social media during electioneering years across the globe is crucial as it allows for information sharing; proactive information disclosure and interactivity between those seeking power and their constituents. Internet penetration in Togo has been steadily increasing. According to Internet World Stats, internet penetration in Togo is at 12.4% and approximately 560,000 have a Facebook account.
However, social media and blogs are increasingly becoming tools for sharing fake news and misinforming citizens. WhatsApp, which is a common social media platform, is used by many to access information. However, increasingly violent and fake images accompanied with voice notes, both in French and in local languages, are shared through the mobile app. Such messages often fuel hatred, violence and according to the government, constitute a threat to national security and public order.
Already, some citizens have expressed fears and concerns as to whether or not they will have access to internet during the election considering that during the 2015 presidential elections, accessing online news was difficult with particularly slow internet speed.
Furthermore, in 2017, the government shut down the internet in the name of national security. However, many believe it was an action done to disrupt the possibility of citizens to mobilize.
In a publication, TogoWeb, an online media organisation indicated that the government will take necessary measures “to ensure the safety of citizens. Arrangements aimed at ensuring security and national stability would be taken, for the interest of the population.” Shutting down the internet is a infringement of the digital rights and freedom of expression of citizens and must be condemned, according to the United Nations Human Rights Council.
Recommendations
Giving the prevailing context ahead of the February elections, the MFWA makes the following key recommendations:
1) Fact-checking Training for the Media
With barely a month to the elections, the media in Togo needs improved capacity in fact-checking both online and offline claims. This will help ensure more factual and professional reporting.
2) Conflict sensitive reporting
The media must also ensure that their reportage and language use across all media platforms do not incite hatred and the possible threat of violence. They should be mindful to provide access to all factions, people, and the different geographical locations in order to ensure fairness in coverage and as much as possible, depoliticise issues and to the population.
3) Citizens’ sensitisation against the spread of Fake news
The National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI), civil society organisations, opinion leaders must actively support citizens’ awareness campaigns against the spread of fake news and misinformation. Citizens must be sensitised on the consequences of fake news in the electoral period, and urged to verify information before sharing them on social media. Additionally, the media must commit to the use of decent language on air to contribute to a peaceful election.
Rachad Bani Samari is with the Media and Good Governance team at the Media Foundation for West Africa.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has appealed to the Ghana Police Service to give an update on the state of investigations into the murder on January 16, 2019 of Ahmed Hussein Suale.
In a letter addressed to the Inspector General of Police, James Oppong-Boanuh, on the first anniversary of the journalist’s murder, the MFWA expressed concern at the lack of update from the Police contrary to assurances to that effect.
The MFWA referred to a visit to the family of Ahmed Suale by a delegation of senior Police officers on January 22, 2019 during which they assured the family and the media of regular updates on their investigations into the murder. It also cited a publication on the Police Service’s official website in which they assured the public of such periodic updates.
“Unfortunately, the promised regular updates on the matter have not been forthcoming,” the MFWA said.
The MFWA asked the Inspector General of Police to use his good offices to ensure that investigations into Suale’s murder are carried out swiftly, expeditiously and to its logical conclusion, in line with the State’s obligation under the 1992 constitution to ensure that press freedom violations are investigated and the perpetrators punished.
Three freedom of expression violations were recorded in Nigeria and Benin in a relatively quiet December 2019 in West Africa, where two journalists were arrested and detained and a media house shut down, while a political activist imprisoned for organising anti-government protests was released.
In what was widely condemned as a dangerous precedent, security forces disrupted court proceedings in Abuja, Nigeria and arrested a journalist and political activist who was standing trial.
Heavily armed men of the Department of State Services (DSS) stormed the courtroom and re-arrested Omoyele Sowore in the morning of December 6, a day after the Federal High Court in Abuja had ordered them (DSS) to release the journalist who had been in the custody of the security agency for 124 days. Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu had also imposed a fine of 100,000 naira ($278) on the DSS for flouting earlier court orders to free the journalist who had been granted bail.
Scenes from the Federal High Court in Abuja, Nigeria when security personnel were re-arresting Nigerian activist Omoyele Sowore. Source: REUTERS/Afolabi Sotunde
The Sahara Reporters’ publisher was arrested on August 3 for calling for mass protests against the government under his #RevolutionNowCampaign. He was accused of treason, terrorism and money laundering.
On December 24, a court in Benin sentenced an investigative journalist to 18 months in prison and a fine of 200,000 CFA francs (USD400) for a post on social media.
Ignace Sossou, who works for Web TV, was found guilty of “harassment through electronic means of communication” after Benin’s Public Prosecutor, Mario Metonou, complained that the journalist’s social media posts had misquoted him and taken his statements out of context.
The journalist was arrested at his home by officials of the Central Office for the Suppression of Cybercrime and detained on December 20, a day after he made the posts.
Still in Benin, the media regulator, Haute autorite de l’audiovisuel et de la communication (HAAC), on December 17, closed down a private radio station owned by a leading opposition politician for failure to renew its licence.
The Management of the station later explained that in August 2019, they submitted an application signed by the Manager, Jerome Kassa, to the HAAC to renew their operating licence which was due to expire in December 2019. The HAAC insisted that no other person can sign documents to renew a license which was issued in the name of Sebastien Ajavon, the owner of the station and opposition politician now living in exile in France.
December was, however, a month of mixed fortunes as two important redress incidents were also recorded. On December 24 2019, Omoleye Sowore, who had been detained since August 3, 2019, was released on the orders of Nigeria’s Attorney General, Abubakar Malami. The Christmas eve gesture also benefitted Samobo Dasuki, a former National Security Advisor who had been detained on corruption charges since 2015.
In another progressive development, a journalist who works for Adom FM in Accra secured a symbolic legal victory over a political party activist who assaulted her. The presiding judge, Gifty Adjei Addo, on December 2, awarded a cost of GH¢9,000 (about US$1,600) against Hajia Fati, a member of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) in Ghana for assaulting the journalist, Ohemaa Sakyiwaa of Accra-based Adom FM.
The suit followed a violent attack on Sakyiwaa by Hajia Fati at the party’s Headquarters in Accra where she had gone to cover an event on May 4, 2018. The assailant also destroyed the journalist’s mobile phone.
The fifteen anniversary of the killing of journalist Deyda Hydara fell on December 16, and the MFWA used the occasion to call for justice for the family of the former editor of the Point newspaper in The Gambia.
“If the killers suffer no consequences, they and future perpetrators will not be dissuaded,” the MFWA said in a statement to mark the day.
On December 29, 2019, Guinea Bissau successfully held its long-delayed presidential round-off polls without any press freedom violations or internet disruption being recorded.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) strongly condemns the attack in the home of journalist Yacouba Ladji Bama in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, and calls on the authorities to investigate the attack and punish the perpetrators.
On January 7, 2020, around 3 a.m, some unknown individuals stormed the home of Ladji Bama, who is an investigative journalist and editor of the Courrier Confidentiel newspaper. The assailants set fire to the inside of his vehicle by throwing a bottle filled with a combustible substance. The intruders fled the scene without attempting any further act of aggression.
The attackers appeared to have targeted the journalist’s documents all of which were burnt. Fortunately, the household was alerted by the fire and smoke, and he was able come out to bring it under control, but only after the interior of the vehicle had been extensively damaged. The fleeing thugs left behind a molotov cocktail (petrol bomb) which had not been detonated.
Ladji is known for his critical publications and investigative reporting on corruption. In one of his publications in the second half of 2019, the journalist reported on a series of road contracts awarded at inflated costs.
Although the assailants have not been identified and the motives for the attack is yet to established, the victim says there is every reason to believe that the attack is related to his work.
“Even if evidence is not yet available, I remain convinced that it is related to my work,” Ladji Bama told MFWA.
The attack was unanimously condemned by the media and press freedom organisations including the Norbert Zongo National Press Centre (CNP-NZ), MFWA’s national partner organisation in Burkina Faso.
Burkina Faso’s national anti-corruption organisation, Réseau national de Lutte anti-corruption (REN-LAC) has demanded an investigation into what it believes was a possible assassination attempt.
“While expressing our support for Yacouba Ladji Bama, we strongly condemn this apparent attempt to muzzle, possibly assassinate, a journalist who gives corrupt people sleepless night through his investigations,” read a statement issued by REN-LAC.
Meanwhile, a delegation from the Ministry of Communication and Relations with Parliament has visited the journalist to express its full solidarity.
The MFWA joins press freedom organisations in condemning this barbaric attack Ladji Bama in an apparent attempt to harm a journalist who is only doing his job. We call on the authorities to take steps to ensure the safety of the journalist and his family and on the police to investigate the attack so that all the facts are fully clarified and the perpetrators are brought to justice.
The media regulator in Benin, Haute Autorite de l’Audiovisuel et de la Communication (HAAC) has closed down a private radio station owned by a leading opposition politician for failure to renew its licence.
The station, Soleil FM, announced to its listeners shortly after 11 p.m. on December, 17, 2019 that it was going to shut down in compliance with the HAAC’s orders at midnight.
In August, 2019, the Management of Radio Soleil submitted an application to the HAAC to renew their licence which was due to expire in December 2019. However, the regulatory body rejected the application, which was signed by the Manager of the radio station, Jérôme Kassa. The HAAC insisted that no other person can sign documents to renew a license which was issued in the name of Sebastien Ajavon, the owner of the station who is currently living in France.
The Management of the station said as they were working towards regularising the application, the HAAC wrote to order them to cease broadcasting because the existing licence had expired.
Jérôme Kassa does not rule out political reasons for the closure of the radio station. He however says he is ready to dialogue with HAAC to ensure that Soleil FM resumes broadcasting.
The station is known for its objective but hard-hitting reportage and analysis of national issues and is the favourite of the majority of opposition supporters seeking an alternative narrative to the pro-government news outlets and the “captured” state media.
The MFWA finds the closure of Soleil FM as very unfortunate, especially when the management of the station had initiated steps to fulfill its statutory obligations to the HAAC. We urge HAAC to soften its stance and allow the radio station to renew its license.
It took over two decades for Parliament to pass the Right to Information (RTI) law, a bill that would allow the public access to information. In one month, the law will be implemented but is government prepared? In this piece, the MFWA looks into whether the nation is ready for its implementation in addition to recommendations to ensure the process rolls out smoothly.
On September 25, 2019, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) engaged civil society actors, Government’s Ministries, Departments and Agencies, Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs), academia, media and the general public in a public discourse on the Right to Information (RTI) Law. The event formed part of the MFWA’s project aimed at deepening access to information and participatory governance. But more importantly, the event presented a platform to discuss government’s plans towards the implementation of the RTI in Ghana.
Indeed, persistence and resiliency characterises Ghana’s journey towards the passing of the RTI Bill into Law. In 1999, the Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA) drafted the first RTI Bill. This was reviewed three times; in 2003, 2005 and 2007, before it was presented to Parliament in 2010. Following some recommendations made on the draft, the Bill was withdrawn, reworked and resubmitted to Parliament in 2018. Throughout the Fourth Republic, the RTI bill had been in and out of Parliament until it was eventually passed into law on March 26, 2019.
For a country that has gone through several years of advocacy, before having the RTI law passed, it is only prudent that the momentum around the law and its implementation is maintained by ensuring that every action, every structure and every policy required for its operationalisation is not only put in place, but also, such efforts are made in earnest. It was therefore highly commended when Government of Ghana, through the Ministry of Information announced a roadmap almost immediately following the passage of the Bill to guide its implementation.
Thus, according to the roadmap, before the end of December 2019, the Ministry of Information being the lead implementer of the RTI law, would have completed a nationwide sensitisation campaign, set up the RTI Commission and appointed a Commissioner. Additionally, it would have secured the necessary financial and logistical support, and together with the Office of the Head of Civil Service (OHCS) recruited information officers to facilitate the implementation processes. However, with only a few days to the end of the year, one is tempted to ask if the timelines given for the operationalisation is one that can be met and whether government is on track vis-à-vis the roadmap? Below are some of the issues at hand.
Government’s Momentum Around the RTI
There is no doubt that the roadmap presents a convincing and determined approach for the take-off of the RTI Law’s implementation. Having started with a stakeholder engagement, the roadmap gives holistic timelines to the operatonalisation of the law. However, from the roadmap, a number of outstanding activities and issues are yet to be addressed. For instance, the issue of dates set for the implementation of key activities on the roadmap vis-à-vis what has been met is low. As it stands now, only a few training sessions have been conducted to sensitise key officials on the RTI. The remaining set of activities earmarked to sensitise relevant stakeholders about the RTI law are yet to take place.
Institutional and Infrastructural Pre-requisite for the Efficient Administration of the RTI Law
Membership of the RTI Commission and its Secretariat is another essential element to ensure the effective and efficient operationalisation of the RTI law. In a speech read on behalf of the Information Minister during the forum organised by the MFWA, he hinted that Government was soon going to appoint the RTI Commissioner. He added that the appointment which would be before the end of October, is part of the roadmap for the implementation of the RTI Act. Unfortunately, the appointment of the Commissioner and the establishment of the RTI Commission and its constitutions have not seen the light of day.
Funding of the RTI Architecture
Lawyer Akoto Ampaw, renowned legal practitioner and ardent advocate of the RTI law in Ghana, once said that the best way to stall the operationalisation of the RTI law is to starve it of the necessary logistical and financial resources. Although there has been room made in the 2020 budget to implement the law, it is not clear when this budget allocation will be available to address the necessary infrastructural and financial deficits for the full take-off of implementation activities. Up until now, government has not disclosed the actual cost for the implementation. Unfortunately, for a law that seeks to do away with opaqueness in governance, citizens have been left in oblivion on how much, and when the necessary financial resources will be available to operationalise the RTI.
Nationwide Sensitisation Campaign
Although the Ministry of Information has done some sensitisation for Chief Directors and Regional Coordinating Directors on the RTI law, the effort has not expanded to cover citizens, who are the overall beneficiaries of the law.
While the MFWA commends government for kick-starting this process, it is concerned about the slow pace of work and urges government to scale-up the processes in line with timelines indicated in order to make the RTI law fully operational by January 2020. The MFWA also calls on the media to engage the public on the RTI law by using their platforms to run discussions around the RTI law. This initiative will greatly complement government’s efforts towards a nationwide sensitisation campaign.
Additionally, the MFWA encourages government to engage the services of the National Commission on Civic Education (NCCE) in the sensitisation processes.
The MFWA also urges the media coalition on the RTI to develop further strategies for advocacy on the implementation of the law. This will keep the momentum high to ensure effective operatonalisation of the law.
Finally, the MFWA entreats government to fast-track the constitution of the RTI Commission and the appointment of a competent Commissioner to run the Commission.
Written By: Adizatu Moro Maiga, Programme Officer, Media, Good Governance and Democracy
Today, December 16, 2019, marks exactly fifteen years since Deyda Hydara, former editor of the Point newspaper in The Gambia, was killed by suspected state-sponsored assassins.
On this solemn occasion, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) commiserates with Hydara’s family and the media fraternity in The Gambia and calls on The Gambian authorities to ensure that justice is served.
Hydara, co-founder and Editor of The Point newspaper and ardent press freedom advocate, was fatally shot by drive-by shooters on the night of December 16, 2004, as he drove home from work.
After a hurried inquiry lasting 22 days, the State failed to find the killers, with then President Jammeh suggesting that Hydara himself was to blame for his death. In an interview on the state-owned Gambian Radio and Television Stations (GRTS) on June 9, 2009, Yahya Jammeh said the journalist was murdered by “a jealous husband, whose wife committed adultery with Hydara.”
Jammeh’s regime thus rejected all responsibility for Hydara’s killing despite widespread public suspicion that the crime was state-sponsored.
Fortunately, a former henchman of Yahya Jammeh, Lieutenant Malick Jatta, on July 22, 2019, confessed at The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) that he (Jatta) participated in the killing of the journalist and that the ex-dictator gave the order for the assassination.
The MFWA believes that this confession will bring a new perspective to investigations into the murder and facilitate the prosecution of the perpetrators in order to end impunity over the incident.
We recognize the important steps that the new Gambian administration headed by President Adama Barrow has taken towards redressing the killing of Hydara, including the ongoing trial of former Army Commander, Kawsu Camara, and former member of Yahya Jammeh’s hit squad, Major Sanna Manjang.
The government also paid compensation to Hydara’s the family in 2018, in compliance with the ECOWAS Court of Justice ruling of June 10, 2014.
While the MFWA celebrates the payment of compensation to Hydara’s family as an important breakthrough, we believe that the gesture still does not address the liability of the killers who have so far paid no price for their crime. The compensation may bring some relief to the bereaved family, but if the killers suffer no consequences, they and future perpetrators will not be dissuaded.
We, therefore, seize this occasion of the fifteenth anniversary of Hydara’s killing to reiterate our call on the Gambian authorities to ensure that justice is served and end the impunity over the incident.
Over the past three years, the President of Ghana, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, has hosted journalists at the Jubilee House, the seat of government, to respond to questions on the state of affairs in the country and the performance of his government.
The event, known as the “Presidential Media Encounter,” has become a major highlight for journalists, who use the opportunity to demand accountability from the president.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) considers the engagement a crucial exercise that deepens the principles of transparency and accountability, which are key tenets in democratic governance. We, therefore, commend the President and the government for maintaining the culture of open and regular media encounters.
Cross-section of the journalists present at the media encounter with the president
To help guide post-event reflections and to provide useful insights for future engagements, the MFWA presents its perspective on the media encounter held on Friday, December 13, 2019. The analysis presented here assesses the overall arrangement and format of the event, quality of the questions asked and the performance of the President. The organization also makes recommendations for future encounters.
Format of the Event
This year’s event is an improvement on previous engagements. The event started on time and was orderly, which is commendable. There was a significant increase in the number of female journalists who had the opportunity to ask questions. Overall, journalists were given the opportunity to ask more questions as compared to last year. The event was more relaxed and unrushed.
Quality of Questions Asked
In all, 23 journalists asked 26 questions on various issues compared to 14 journalists asking 15 questions in the December 2018 encounter. The MFWA has analysed the quality of the questions based on basic principles such as: relevance, clarity, good background and contextualisation, references to data, facts, illustrations; and whether the questions are close-ended or open-ended.
Using these principles, the MFWA found the following questions outstanding:
“Fourteen years ago, 44 Ghanaians were killed in The Gambia. At that time, you were the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This year it was revealed during The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparation Committee that the soldiers were acting on the orders of the then-President Yahya Jammeh. Mr. President, at that time, in 2005 when the incident happened, what did you do and now that you are President of the Republic of Ghana, and now that this new evidence has come to light, what are you going to do about it?” –Atiewin Mbillah-Lawson (Starr FM)
— The question is clear, has good context and background. This question deals with the sensitive issue of impunity over the killing of Ghanaian nationals in The Gambia.
“Mr. President, during the electioneering period in 2016, a major campaign promise you made was to ensure the provision of ambulances for the various constituencies. We are in the year of our Lord 2019. Though some ambulances have been purchased, they are comfortably at the forecourt of the parliament house and are yet to be distributed to the various constituencies; although the ratio of ambulances to the people, the citizens, in the country is 1 to 520,000, with only 55 ambulances operating in the country. Mr. President, can you justify the reason for this, and when will the others be also brought to the country for onward distribution?” — Adel Kwesi Majdoub, (Metro TV)
–This question is well contextualised and made reference to relevant statistics about the health emergency situation in the country, which is a crucial issue.
“In July 2017, you were appointed the AU gender champion. Drawing from the wisdom of the proverb, “Charity begins at home,” it’s been two years and five months since that appointment. Mr. President, what systemic and structural changes have you implemented to improve the lives of women and young girls in Ghana in the face of rape, assault and gender-based violence? And lest I forget, what has become of the promise to push for the passage of the affirmative action bill into law?” — Francis Abban (Starr FM).
–This question has good background and is very relevant in regards to issues affecting women and girls in the country.
Other strong questions that were asked focused on Quality of road construction; Depreciation of the cedi; Management of oil sector revenue; Management of fiscal deficit and Updates on prosecution of corruption cases.
President’s Performance
Overall, the president’s performance was better than in previous years. He was composed and demonstrated a good sense of knowledge on the issues. He also expressed willingness to answer questions asked by journalists. The president was engaging and articulate.
However, the MFWA has taken note of a few low points in the president’s performance. For instance, his response to the question posed about the distribution of ambulances procured by the state was unsatisfactory.
The president said: “The Minister for Special Development and Initiatives, who has been responsible for bringing them told me about a month, six weeks ago that some of the ambulances were in, so she is distributing, and I said no. She shouldn’t. She should wait until they all come in, so one day we can distribute them all at the same time to all the 275 constituencies. I saw myself getting into tremendous amount of issues if we started distributing some and others didn’t get it. Fortunately for us, all of them will be in by the end of this month. One hundred and sixty of them are already in and the balance are on the high seas and will be here. By the end of the month, the 300 will be there. On the 6th of January, I will commission them and then the distribution will take place simultaneously across the country and nobody is going to accuse me of favouritism, regionalism, this and that and that. So that’s the short answer to your question. There’s no justification on they being parked there, but if I were to send a couple here and not here. I think you know the kind of discourse that will come.”
This response is worrying as it does not demonstrate the president’s appreciation of the seriousness of the emergency healthcare challenges confronting the country. In a country where many people are losing their lives due to lack of adequate ambulances, it is highly unfortunate for the president to say that the 160 ambulances already procured should remain in the parking lot until commissioning.
Additionally, some of the President’s responses were too vague and failed to address the specific concerns raised. For example, in his response to the double salary allegations against Parliamentarians, he had this to say:
‘The double salary for members of parliament, it is not a straight forward allegation or misappropriation as some people think. It’s a whole lot of double accounting, to what extent people are taking money vis-a-vis emoluments on the Article 70 and all that. And I am thinking that a lot of the things are not clear cut to me. I mean it hasn’t been made clear cut to me to raid a whole lot of parliamentarians and the list is quite long…to raid a whole lot of parliamentarians on a 50-50 case – for myself, I don’t think we do the public interest of our country a service in that way. So the process of seeing to what extent the setoff could be, it has been ongoing. It’s not been easy, but there is a group that is doing that work but when they finish, we will be in a position to let the country know what the outcome of the double salary is.”
Recommendations
While we commend the moderator, Information Minister, Kojo Oppong Nkrumah for making deliberate efforts to give female journalists the opportunity to ask questions, we urge the organisers to do more to ensure full gender balance in future events.
The organisers should ensure that journalists working for media organisations outside Accra are given fair opportunities to ask questions.
We urge the President to keep his promise of meeting the media twice a year.
In subsequent encounters, we encourage the president to limit the time of his opening address to allow for more questions from the media.
Guinea’s unrelenting attacks against demonstrators in November 2019 resulted in four fatalities, while Nigeria continued on its downward spiral with a series of freedom of expression (FOE) violations against a dozen journalists and several protesters in one of the most repressive months for FOE this year.
Killings
On November 4, Guinea’s security forces renewed its knotty relations with demonstrators by fatally shooting two people as they opened fire on a cortege accompanying the coffins of 11 people who had been killed from police brutalities during demonstrations on October 14-16, 2019.
Some youths among the mourners are said to have erected barricades and begun burning tyres to express their anger. The police threw tear gas to disperse them and the youth responded with stones, followed by water cannons and gunshots from the police, leading to a breakdown of order. In the end, two of the mourners died.
Two days after the attack, security forces in Guinea killed two more protesters in Conakry. Mamadou Bela Baldé had just emerged from his house to join the crowd in the company of three others when he was hit in the head by a bullet fired by the military. One of his colleagues, Mamadou Alimou Diallo, was also fatally hit in the chest in the Conakry suburb of Wanidara on November 6.
While Guinea made the headlines for the fatalities it recorded among demonstrators, Nigeria also plunged into the abyss with a series of assaults, threats and detention of journalists and protesters.
Physical Attacks
Twelve journalists were physically attacked, threatened or detained in separate incidents in Nigeria. The first incident happened on November 7 when security officers attached to Vice President Yemi Osibanjo, assaulted Abayomi Adeshida, a photojournalist with the private newspaper, Vanguard. The officers from the Department of State Security (DSS) attacked the journalist for taking pictures of the Vice President during an exhibition at the State House Banquet Hall. Adeshida sustained injuries and his camera was damaged.
On November 9, some thugs suspected to be henchmen of the Government of Edo State brutalised anti-government protesters and a journalist covering the attacks. The thugs who were clad in t-shirts with the inscription “Vigilante Edo Government House,” attacked Jomoh Ogirima of Rave Television and destroyed his camera.
On November 12, armed operatives of the Department of State Security (DSS) attacked two journalists who were reporting on a crackdown on protesters demanding the release of detained journalist and political activist, Omoyele Sowore.
The DSS operatives attacked Stanley Ugochukwu, a reporter of Arise TV, and seized his camera. They also subjected Oludare Richards of The Guardian newspaper to severe beating. Richards emerged from the assault with a head wound and several bruises on his arm.
The security officers assaulted Yemi Adamolekun, an activist who runs the pressure group Enough Is Enough Nigeria, after they saw her filming the crackdown. The officers also seized and destroyed her mobile phone.
The DSS operatives had descended on the protesters with rods, tear gas and live ammunition, and were determined to prevent the media from reporting on the crackdown.
A number of violations against the media were also recorded during the State Governors’ elections held on November 16 in Kogi and Bayelsa States. Some thugs attacked four journalists, threatened and prevented others from reporting on the elections.
A group of thugs threw stones at Tobi Kusimo and David Bello from Splash FM radio station when the journalists tried to interview a polling officer at Aiyetoro Gbede, a town in Kogi State.
At Anyigba, also in Kogi State, another mob surrounded the vehicle of Sam Egwu, a journalist with the privately-owned The Nation newspaper and Sunday Amachi, a reporter with the government-owned Kogi State Radio, as the two arrived at a polling station. The mob, whose motive was not immediately known, pelted the car with stones, forcing the journalists to retreat.
At another polling station in Dekina, Bayelsa State, some journalists of African Independent Television covering the elections were attacked by thugs.
Threats
Several journalists covering the November 16 elections in Nigeria also received threats. In one instance, police officers threatened and forced Chinedu Asadu, a reporter of The Cable online newspaper, to flee a polling station. The police accosted Asadu while he was filming a politician giving money to a group of women voters. They seized the journalist’s phone and accused him of attempting to discredit the elections. Asadu fled when his phone was returned to him amidst curses and threats from the police.
In another incident, four unidentified individuals wielding canes and bottles intercepted Adejumor Kabir, a reporter with the Premium Times newspaper and ordered him to turn back. Kabir, who was heading to the head office of Independent National Electoral Commission in Bayelsa State to cover the collation of the election results, was forced to abandon the trip under threat of violence from the mob.
Another journalist, Lolafunke Ogunbolu, who works with Africa Independent Television, reported that a group of armed men threatened to beat her after they saw her filming their assault on a woman at a polling station in Aiyetoro Gbede in Kogi State.
In Opolo, also in Bayelsa State, youths suspected to be loyal to one of the two major political parties, charged at some journalists and observers, forcing them to flee. The armed youths also brandished weapons openly, scaring voters away.
In the Gambia, two youth groups affiliated to Gambian President Adama Barrow assaulted three journalists who were covering the President’s “Meet the People Tour” on November 21. The members of the Barrow Youth Movement and Barrow Fans Club assaulted Ebrahim Jambang of The Gambia Talent Promotion Media, Sally Jobe of Kerr Fatou, and Landing Ceesay of Paradise FM, for filming their angry complaints and destroyed the cameras of Jambang and Cessay.
In the only case of arbitrary detention, the police in Lagos detained Dipo Awojobi, editor of First Weekly Magazine on November 8, after a ruling party politician lodged a defamation complaint against the journalist. Awojobi was said to have been moved to Abuja after he spent the night of November 8 in police cells at Area ‘F’ Command Headquarters in Ikeja, Lagos.
Other Developments
Guinea made some amends with two important court decisions that constituted a boost for press freedom and freedom of expression.
In the first instance, the Supreme Court on November 28 ordered the media regulator, Haute autorite de la communication (HAC), to restore the licenses of two radio stations that had been closed down for installing their transmitters at an authorised location.
On the same day (November 28), the Court of Appeal in Conakry provisionally released members of the political pressure group, Front National pour la Defense de la Constitution (FNDC) who were serving various prison terms for organising recent anti-government demonstrations. The FNDC leaders, including a former minister of state, were convicted in October in connection with a demonstration they had called to be staged in Conakry on October 14.
