The human rights trajectory in Mali has experienced a severe decline under the ruling military administration led by General Assimi Goïta.
Authorities have systematically weaponised judicial mechanisms; most notably the 2019 Cybercrime Law and specialised entities like the National Cybercrime Unit; to bypass the safeguards of Mali’s 2000 Press Law (Law No. 00-046). Article 54 of the Cybercrime Law provides that press offences committed through information and communication technologies are punishable under ordinary law, except those committed by the “press on the Internet”.
However, the law does not provide a clear definition of “press on the Internet”. This creates uncertainty about when journalists remain protected by the 2000 Press Law and when they may be subject to ordinary criminal penalties. Article 21 also raises concerns for freedom of expression. It criminalises insults made through an information system and provides for imprisonment of six months to two years and a fine of CFA 1 million (about USD 1,768) to CFA 10 million (about USD 17,687).
By reclassifying routine media broadcasts, print journalism, and public panel discussions as digital offences whenever content appears online or on social platforms, prosecutors have effectively stripped media professionals and activists of their statutory protections against custodial sentences.
The recent case of radio commentator Mohamed Youssouf Bathily (popularly known as “Ras Bath”) and social activist Rokia Doumbia (popularly known as “Rose Vie Chère”) underscores the extent of judicial overreach.
Arrested and arbitrarily detained in March 2023 over broadcast comments addressing inflation, power outages, and political deaths, both individuals were subjected to years of pre-trial detention through overlapping warrants and serial remands intended to keep them incarcerated despite initial acquittals. The state built its primary prosecution on Doumbia’s appearances on Ras Bath’s radio show Le Grand Dossier, where she highlighted the everyday hardships of Malian households.
On August 17, 2026, the Criminal Chamber of the Bamako Court of Appeal sentenced both Bathily and Doumbia to ten years in prison with three years suspended (they will thus serve seven years in prison), and a fine of 240,000 CFA francs (about USD 422) on charges of “criminal association” and “undermining the credibility of the state” through information and communication technologies. The severe physical toll of this prolonged detention became strikingly evident when Bathily appeared in court visibly emaciated and weakened on the day he was sentenced.
Print media editors face similar criminalisation for publishing geopolitical analysis or quoting foreign leaders. Youssouf Sissoko, the editor-in-chief of L’Alternance, was arrested after publishing an article that questioned unsubstantiated claims made by Niger’s military leader, General Abdourahamane Tiani, regarding regional security. Because the article was circulated on digital channels, Sissoko was brought before the cybercrime prosecutor and subsequently sentenced in March 2026 by the National Cybercrime Court to two years in prison and ordered to pay CFA 1 million (about USD 1,600) in fines and damages for “undermining the state’s credibility” and spreading “false information.”
Constructive criticism of the judiciary’s circumvention of press protections has itself been transformed into a punishable crime by the authorities in Mali. During the Pan-African Media Forum held in Bamako, Chahana Takiou, the publishing director of the bi-weekly 22 Septembre, publicly criticised the judiciary for ignoring the 2000 Press Law and abusing cybercrime statutes to imprison journalists.
Takiou was arrested shortly thereafter and sentenced to twelve months in prison (six months firm and six months suspended) for “undermining the credibility of the state through the judicial system.” Judicial authorities rejected requests for his provisional release on bail despite clear evidence of severe underlying health conditions, including diabetes and cardiovascular disease.
Similarly, on June 9, 2026, Abdrahamane Keïta, editor-in-chief of Le Témoin newspaper, was summoned and detained by the National Cybercrime Unit following his appearance on the television programme Grand Jury, where he discussed, among other things, insurgent activity by militants in northern Mali. Keïta was remanded to the Bamako Central Prison on charges of committing a “crime of a regionalist nature tending to undermine national unity and state credibility” and the “dissemination of false information.” His trial is ongoing.
Beyond detentions and convictions, the ruling military government in Mali, through the media regulator – the High Authority for Communication (HAC) – has executed an unprecedented crackdown on independent media, targeting both foreign news outlets and local media outlets over the past two years.
In January 2026, the government formally banned the distribution, sale, and online circulation of the pan-African weekly news magazine Jeune Afrique, accusing it of being “apologia for terrorism” and “subversive accusations” following its reporting on a national fuel crisis and military conduct. This followed a series of suspensions directed at prominent French and international television channels, including temporary broadcast bans levied against French news networks LCI and TF1, as well as repeated suspensions imposed on TV5Monde.
Malian media outlets have faced a similar fate. The licence of the independent television station Joliba TV News was revoked in November 2024 after a guest commentator questioned official communication concerning a reported attempted coup in Burkina Faso. Following appeals by the TV station, the HAC in February 2025 reduced the punitive measure from a licence revocation to a six-month suspension.
The guest who made the comments was arrested on November 13, 2024, and detained in prison on charges of “publicly offending a foreign head of state” and “insulting through information systems.” He was sentenced to two years in prison on December 30, 2024.
Combined with permanent broadcast bans on major legacy outlets like Radio France Internationale (RFI) and France 24, and directives prohibiting local radio and press from covering political party activities, these cumulative bans have systematically eroded Mali’s independent media landscape and severely restricted public access to non-state information.
These systematic detentions and convictions directly violate fundamental protections set forth in regional and international treaties ratified by Mali. The use of serial pre-trial detentions, arbitrary arrests, and the denial of bail to non-violent journalists violates Article 6 (Right to Liberty and Security of Person) and Article 7 (Right to a Fair Trial) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Banjul Charter). They also violate Article 9 and Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
The country’s criminalisation of critical discourse, media reporting, and professional commentary on national issues breaches Article 9 of the Banjul Charter and Article 19 of the ICCPR and Universal Declaration of Human Rights. International human rights consensus; specifically under UN Human Rights Committee General Comment No. 34; maintains that custodial imprisonment is a disproportionate penalty for press-related offences or defamation.
The African Court in the Lohe Issa Konate v. Burkina Faso case also said that custodial sentences are an unjustified and disproportionate restriction on freedom of expression. The Malian government is therefore breaching human rights guarantees.
Under the 2000 Press Law, which regulates the press regime and press offences in Mali, media professionals are subject to specific statutory provisions designed to address publishing disputes through administrative, civil, and strict procedural mechanisms rather than long custodial terms.
Specifically, Article 37 of the Press Law directly governs the publication, broadcast, or reproduction of unverified information or false news. Under Article 37, establishing an offence requires prosecutors to prove clear bad faith and an actual breach of public peace, limiting penalties to short sentences (ranging from 11 days to 6 months) and modest fines of CFA 50,000 to 150,000 (about USD 90 to USD 270).
For cases deemed to have damaged the reputations of public institutions or state officials, Articles 14 through 20 allow aggrieved parties to demand proportional corrections published in the same outlet. Further, Articles 38 to 45 establish the legal framework for defamation and public insult. These provisions prioritise civil damages, retractions, and the exercise of the Right of Reply.
Additionally, Articles 54 to 65 outline procedural safeguards for press offences, enforcing strict time limits on summons and requiring formal proof of intent. By systematically reclassifying print reporting, broadcasts, and online commentary as digital crimes under the 2019 Cybercrime Law, the state is deliberately bypassing the jurisdictional precedence of these Press Code provisions, thereby stripping journalists and activists of statutory protections against heavy prison terms.
The severe misuse of arbitrary detentions and cybercrime statutes has inflicted profound damage across Mali’s media ecosystem. Press freedom has been effectively paralysed by an unprecedented wave of self-censorship, as journalists, radio hosts, and editors refrain from reporting on military operations, state corruption, or governance failures out of fear of immediate arrest.
This systemic repression, combined with bans on international news outlets and the imprisonment of senior editors, has decimated independent media capacity across the country. Investigative journalism has virtually ground to a halt, leaving the public without reliable, independent sources of information regarding the country’s ongoing security and political developments.
Beyond the media, these judicial abuses severely impede national development and economic stability. By silencing independent media and civil society oversight, the state has removed crucial mechanisms for monitoring public spending, administrative corruption, and resource allocation. This breakdown of the rule of law and institutional integrity deters foreign investment, reduces international development support, and deepens economic strain on citizens.
Furthermore, the arbitrary imprisonment of journalists and activists for discussing socio-economic hardships like inflation or public service failures cripples human capital development by cutting off informed public discourse on critical national challenges.
Finally, the criminalisation of expression has led to a drastic contraction of Mali’s civic space. Citizens, political analysts, and community leaders now exercise extreme caution, avoiding public policy discussions on social media and broadcast channels due to widespread surveillance by cybercrime authorities.
Using prolonged pre-trial remands and framing protected political speech as criminal association sets a dangerous precedent, normalising the judicial system as a tool for political suppression. This environment eliminates peaceful avenues for public dialogue, isolates civic actors, and replaces open democratic engagement with pervasive fear and institutional compliance.
To address these issues and restore freedom of expression, press freedom, and civic space, the MFWA makes the following recommendations:
To the Government of the Republic of Mali:
- Unconditionally release Mohamed Youssouf Bathily, Rokia Doumbia, Youssouf Sissoko, Chahana Takiou, and Abdrahamane Keïta and drop all charges linked to their speech or reporting.
- Amend the 2019 Cybercrime Law to ensure it cannot be applied to journalistic activities.
- Strictly enforce the primacy of the 2000 Press Law to prevent custodial sentences for media work.
- Direct public prosecutors to respect judicial independence, end serial remands, and adhere to court release orders and bail applications for non-violent offences.
To the United Nations (UN):
- Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression: Issue a joint urgent appeal regarding the systematic criminalisation of media workers under Mali’s Cybercrime Law and request an immediate visit to the country .
- Working Group on Arbitrary Detention: Review the detention conditions and pre-trial procedures of Ras Bath, Rokia Doumbia, and Chahana Takiou to issue formal Opinions regarding the arbitrary nature of their imprisonment.
- Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights: Deliver a dedicated oral update during upcoming Human Rights Council sessions highlighting the contraction of civic space and ongoing trials of journalists in Mali.
To the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information:
- Issue a statement condemning the imprisonment of journalists and activists under the Cybercrime Law.
- Issue an urgent appeal instructing Malian authorities to release all jailed journalists.
