Nigerian authorities must investigate the death of Alex Ogbu, who was killed during a police crackdown on Shiite Muslim protesters in Abuja on January 28, 2019.
Ogbu, a journalist with the Regent Africa Times newspaper, was not covering the protest but was rather passing by when he was hit by a bullet at the Berger area of Abuja where the protest was being staged. Two other persons sustained gunshot wounds during the chaotic protests.
After the incident, the police initially claimed in a statement (which failed to identify the victim as Alex Ogbu), that the victim “hit his head on a stone while running during the protest and died in the process.” However, a spokesperson for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) police, Anjuguri Manzal, later admitted that their men shot a ‘passerby’ and promised that the incident would be investigated.
The management of Regent Africa Times said that its legal team has been briefed on the incident and would soon come out with their reaction.
The death of Alex Ogbu comes barely two weeks after the killing of Maxwell Nashan, a journalist with the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) in Adamawa State. Nashan was abducted from his house and later found tied and muzzled in a bush with his body hacked at several places.
In the last two years, there have been seven reported murders of journalists in Nigeria. Out of this number, none has been adequately investigated to apprehend the killers, much less prosecute them. The other five include Precious Owolabi of Channels Television, who was shot dead while covering a demonstration on July 22, 2019; Famous Giobaro, a desk editor with Glory FM in Bayelsa State; Lawrence Okojie of the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA) in Edo State; Ikechukwu Onubogu, a cameraman with the Anambra Broadcasting Services and Abdul Ganiyu Lawal, a freelance broadcaster in Ekiti State, all of whom were shot and killed by unknown gunmen in 2017.
This culture of impunity hardly encourages effective journalism practice as it is liable to induce widespread self-censorship. The MFWA therefore urges the authorities in Nigeria to conduct effective and expeditious investigations into the killing of Ogbu and the other cases in order to bring the perpetrators to justice.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) condemns the recent crackdown in The Gambia and calls on the Gambian government to cease the attacks on anti-government protesters, release journalists and protesters who have been arrested and allow the two radio stations that have been shut down to resume broadcasting.
The police on January 26, 2020, brutalised and arrested 137 anti-government demonstrators demanding the resignation of President Adama Barrow in line with his campaign promise to limit his mandate to three years. The demonstration that started peacefully became violent when protesters and police clashed leading to injuries. Some police officers and protesters also physically attacked journalists who were covering the protests. One of the journalists attacked was identified as Sankulleh Janko, a reporter for Dakar-based West Africa Democracy Radio (WADR. He was beaten with sticks and his equipment and phone seized.
After arresting the protesters, about a dozen police officers stormed the premises of Home Digital FM and ordered the managers to stop broadcasting. They also arrested the proprietor and owner of the station, Pa Modou Bojang.
A similar number of police officers invaded King FM and ordered all staff to evacuate the premises, before shutting down the station. The security officers also arrested two of the station’s manager’s Gibbi Jallow and Ebrima Jallow. The authorities accused the two stations of making themselves platforms for inciting violence and threatening the security of The Gambia.
While Home Digital FM was indeed covering the demonstrations and subsequent crackdown, the Management of King FM has denied having covered the events, a denial corroborated by several sources.
The authorities also revoked the accreditation of Al Jazeera reporter, Nicolas Hague, after accusing him of being biased towards the opposition.
The government later announced a ban on the “3 Years Jotna (is up) Movement”, the group that has spearheaded weeks of protests calling for Barrow to step down.
Although The Gambia’s Constitution stipulates a five-year presidential term, the political coalition that backed Adama Barrow in the 2016 elections had promised to limit its term to three years during which it would lay the foundations for a durable democracy.
The government appears to have failed not only to keep its three-year transitional government promise, but also to deliver on the legal and constitutional reforms to establish a credible democratic culture after the 22 years of Yahya Jammeh dictatorship. The MFWA finds the crackdown on protesters, arrests of journalists, shutdown of the radio stations and subsequent ban of the pressure group by the government as very troubling.
The MFWA is even more alarmed at the government’s statement that “any person, radio station, business or group that chooses to do business with Operation 3-Years Jotna and or promote their agenda will be in violation of this pronouncement and will face severe consequences.” We wish to remind the government that the media have a constitutional mandate to inform the public on certain issues particularly issues of public interest, and so the government cannot ban them from carrying out this duty. It is therefore unlawful for the government to threaten that the media or any group that shares information about the pressure group will face severe consequences.
The MFWA is therefore calling on The Gambian authorities to release all the detained demonstrators and journalists as well as allow the radio stations that have been shut down to resume broadcasting. The government should refrain from any acts of censorship of the media and recognise the important role the Gambian media play in the consolidation of democracy in the country. We further urge the government to respect the citizens’ right to peaceful assembly as guaranteed by Section 25(d) of the Gambian 1997 Constitution.
We further entreat Gambians particularly members of the “3 Years Jotna Movement” to exercise their freedom of assembly rights peacefully and within the laws of The Gambia.
The MFWA also urges the state security agents and state officials to put a stop to attacks, arrests and intimidation of people, activists, pressure groups etc for the exercising their freedom of expression rights both offline and online.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) is deeply concerned by the continuous bloody crackdown on demonstrators opposed to attempts by President Conde to seek a third term in office, and calls on the authorities to call the security forces to order.
Since mid-October 2019, Guinea has recorded a series of killings in connection with street protests against the proposed modification of the country’s Constitution to allow President Conde to contest presidential elections after his two constitutional terms expire later this year. The security forces have used tear gas, live ammunition to quell the demonstrators, with about 20 people dead, including children and a security officer.
In the latest incident, two people were killed on January 13, 2020, one in the capital, Conakry, and the other in the northern town of Labé, some 400 kilometres from the capital.
Mamadou Sow, a 21-year-old high school student, was shot dead by security forces in Coza, in the Ratoma district of Conakry during the nation-wide demonstrations.
“There were clashes, stone-throwing and tear gas. At one point, we heard an explosion. We heard shouting and all the young people gathered around my nephew, who was on the ground, wounded in the chest,” the uncle of the deceased told the media.
Another demonstrator, Amadou Diallo, also died from gunshot wounds after the security forces opened fire to disperse demonstrators who were attacking a Court building in Labé.
While official sources indicate 15 people have so far been killed since the anti-Conti demonstrations began, other sources, including the coalition of organisations leading the campaign against the third term agenda, put the death toll at 20 people at least.
The MFWA is alarmed at the increasing death toll from police brutalities against demonstrators and urge the authorities to end the use of live bullets in controlling these demonstrations. The right to peaceful assembly and procession is a fundamental human right and people must not lose their lives for exerting this right.
Liberia, a country formerly applauded for successfully ending two civil wars, has now become a country accused of violating freedom of expression from what analysts believe is intensifying under ex-footballer turned president, George Weah.
Just one week into the new year, thousands stormed the streets of Monrovia and marched to its capitol building in an attempt to crack down on the country’s government. Hours into the protests, police sprayed tear gas and fired a water cannon at demonstrators, sending dozens to emergency rooms throughout the city. Numerous reports reveal President Weah’s administration stifled the freedom of expression from several journalists and media houses, including the 2019 incident when unknown assailants attacked Joy FM, a radio station based in Monrovia. The assailants disrupted the station’s transmission by cutting the cables connecting the antenna to the transmitter.
In another incident just the year prior, a journalist working with a local radio station in the country was killed while he was going to work. The killing came at a particularly difficult moment for the media in Liberia, which was in the beginning stages of coming under siege after the offices of FrontPageAfrica (FPA), Liberia’s leading online newspaper, were shut down and its staff bundled away by sheriffs. The action was in connection with an advertiser’s announcement published in the newspaper, which resulted in a $1.8 million suit.
Background
President Weah replaced former Nobel Peace Prize winner, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, as commander-in-chief in January 2018, a time when the country inched closer towards progress. Under the Sirleaf administration, she increased efforts in safeguarding free speech. According to Freedom House, an independent watchdog organization, “conditions for the media improved slightly in 2015 as the country recovered from the previous year’s outbreak of the Ebola virus, which had prompted a state of emergency and related restrictions on journalists.” But problems remained. Days before Sirleaf’s presidential term was about to end, she was ousted by her own political party and faced numerous allegations of “corruption and nepotism.”
So, when former UN goodwill ambassador, President Weah, stepped onto the political stage, the future of Liberia’s media landscape appeared optimistic. The prized athlete, who won World Player of the Year in both Africa and Europe, excelled equally in football as he did in activism, as he was credited for helping to end the country’s crippling civil war, among other humanitarian efforts. In 2005, he ran for president, but lost to his opponent, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Then in 2014, he clinched a seat in Senate against Robert Sirleaf (Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s son), winning in a landslide with 78% of the votes.
Three years later, the promising politician – with no political experience – was named candidate for president under the Coalition for Democratic Change (CDC). In 2017, he was elected president and one month later, he was sworn in. “I measure the importance and the responsibility of the immense task which I embrace today,” he tweeted shortly after the win. “Change is on.”
Change is on, but not for the better. Liberians were stunned when state actors including President Weah, his senior appointees and members of Parliament acted in ways that have put the government and the media on a collision course amid fears that the situation might reverse the country’s democratic gains.
In a statement issued in March 2018, which amply captures the frosty government-media relations, the umbrella journalists’ organization in Liberia, Press Union of Liberia (PUL), said that “it has followed with total dismay rabble-rousing comments from different sections of the Weah Administration directed towards the media in Liberia.”
In 2019, however, analysts applauded the country’s administration when it decriminalized libel, which experts said was a crucial catalyst for freedom of expression and press freedom in Liberia. President Weah signed into law on February 28, 2019 a bill to amend sections 11:11, 11.12 and 11.14 of the criminal code which prescribed prison terms for a range of speech offenses. The Senate endorsed the bill on February 7, 2019 after the House of Representatives of the Liberian parliament had approved it on July 3, 2018, paving the way for President Weah’s eventual signature.
But more needs to be done. In addition to several corruption allegations that have left a unremovable smear on his presidency, President Weah must ensure that Liberians have access to internet and social media platforms, especially after apps including Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp were disrupted throughout Liberia in June 2019. According to the internet advocacy group, Netblocks, there were also disruptions to the Associated Press website and Google’s news services.
With three years left in office, President Weah still holds a unique opportunity to reshape Liberia through media and good governance. The media should continue to apply the necessary pressure on government to ensure that its 4.7 million people have access to the information they justly deserve.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has learnt with extreme sadness the killing of Maxwell Nashan, a journalist with the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), Adamawa State, and calls for thorough investigations to apprehend the killers.
Nashan was found tied and muzzled in a bush on January 15, 2020 on the outskirts of Vunokilan, Girei Local Government Area of Adamawa State, with his body hacked at several places.
Some female farmers found Nashan and alerted members of the civil defence who rushed to the scene and carried the journalist to the hospital, but it was too late, as he died on arrival.
Nashan’s colleague, Fidelis Jocktan, has said the victim “was picked by his assailants at his residence in Bachure area.”
Nashan’s murder revives painful memories of the unresolved killing of four journalists in Nigeria in 2017. The four were Famous Giobaro, a desk editor with Glory FM in Bayelsa State, Lawrence Okojie of the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA) in Edo State, Ikechukwu Onubogu, a cameraman with the Anambra Broadcasting Services and Abdul Ganiyu Lawal, a freelance broadcaster in Ekiti State.
Unfortunately, the inability of the Police to thoroughly investigate the killings and apprehend the perpetrators has made it impossible to establish whether the victims were targeted for their work as journalists. This situation is liable to create a sense of insecurity among journalists and encourage future perpetrators.
The MFWA therefore urges the authorities in Nigeria to conduct effective and expeditious investigations into the killing of Nashan and the previous cases in order to apprehend the culprits and bring them to justice.
Ahead of Togo’s critical elections next month, Rachad Bani Samari of the Media Foundation for West Africa’s Media and Good Governance programme highlights some challenges the country faces and suggests recommendations.
On February 22, 2020, Togo, a former French colony, will be heading to the polls to elect its President out of seven candidates including the long standing 53-year-old incumbent, Faure Gnassingbé, who will be contesting for a fourth term in office.
The upcoming 2020 elections is the first being held since presidential term limits were restored in May 2019. This election brings back to focus a number of issues including: new presidential term limit, new electoral code which makes it possible for Togolese from the diaspora to vote, media professionalism and fake news, and fears of a possible social media shutdown.
The stakes are very high considering the number of candidates running for office. The ruling party, Union for the Republic (UNIR) of Faure Gnassingbé is bent on retaining power while the two major opposition candidates, Jean Pierre Fabre of the National Alliance for Change (ANC) and Agbeyomé Messan Kodjo, of the Patriotic Movement for Democracy and Development (MPDD) respectively, are determined to win power and lead the country to its first democratic transition since the country gained independence in 1960.
New Laws
Ahead of the 2020 presidential election, the country’s parliament in May 2019, voted to approve a new law introducing a two-term limit mandate, which allows the longstanding President Faure Gnassingbé to potentially stay in power until 2030, thus extending his family’s grip on power to 63 years. Fuare’s father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, had led the country from 1967 until his death in 2005.
Faure Gnassingbé is the current President of Togo. Source: Medium
The law was passed despite massive protests in 2017 from citizens calling for the President to step down. The protests resulted in deadly clashes between citizens and security forces.
Also ahead of the 2020 polls, Parliament adopted a new electoral code which allows Togolese from the diaspora to participate in Presidential elections. The new law outlines a number of criteria for embassies to serve as polling stations and further outlines processes through which Togolese from the diaspora can register and vote. This modification was generally welcome by politicians considering it has been a long demand from citizens both in the country and the diaspora. Moreover, the new law complies with ECOWAS’s recommendations aimed at urging the government to define frameworks guiding Togolese from the diaspora to participate in elections.
The Media and the Elections
Freedom of expression and of the press are constitutionally guaranteed in the country. Unfortunately, civil protests are sometimes met with government crackdown. The media landscape is constituted of a huge number of media organisations with about 171 newspapers, 74 radio stations, and 10 TV channels. Despite such a vibrant media landscape, findings from the 2017 African Media Barometer report on Togo revealed that, editorial independence of the public print is not sufficiently guaranteed.
Ahead of the February 2020 polls, the country has seen a heavy emphasis of politics in the media. The traditional media has been active in covering election related issues. Additionally, the media is increasingly serving as a platform allowing both citizens and politicians to express their views, and concerns through radio and TV discussions, as well as phone ins.
Active campaigning starts from February 06, 2020 and already the state-owned media in its attempt to give a fair coverage to all presidential candidates, has outlined plans to provide a fixed number airtime to every candidate to share their ideas and express themselves. These would be broadcast across 54 radio stations in the country.
Although the country in general, and particularly the media landscape, seem relatively calm in the face of the newly-introduced laws and the upcoming elections, critical challenges remain that need to be highlighted.
Growing censorship among majority of the media
Interviews with several influential journalists in Togo point to a growing practice of censorship among journalists ahead of the upcoming elections. Increasingly, many journalists abstain from publishing critical and sensitive articles, especially when they are about governmental authorities, public figures, corruption, the army, etc.
Although there are laws protecting media professionals, their implementation has not fully been effective as journalists are sometimes subjected to physical assault. Furthermore, for reasons of social responsibility, journalists increasingly practice self-censorship in electioneering years. According to Freedom House’s 2016 report, direct censorship increased during past election periods.
Media alignment to political parties/candidates
Increasingly, media outlets especially private ones have begun aligning themselves to some candidates. The current situation shows a seeming partisanship in the media space with some media organisations aligned to the ruling party and others aligned with the opposition.
In order to address this challenge and to ensure a level of objectivity and professionalism from the media, the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) together with the Authority for Audio Visual Communication (HAAC) organised on November 27th, 2019 a workshop aimed at sensitising journalists on their roles and responsibilities before, during and after the 2020 election. In addition, HAAC is organising across the country a number of sensitisation meetings with media professionals urging them to be more objective in information dissemination.
Fear of a Social Media Ban
Social media during electioneering years across the globe is crucial as it allows for information sharing; proactive information disclosure and interactivity between those seeking power and their constituents. Internet penetration in Togo has been steadily increasing. According to Internet World Stats, internet penetration in Togo is at 12.4% and approximately 560,000 have a Facebook account.
However, social media and blogs are increasingly becoming tools for sharing fake news and misinforming citizens. WhatsApp, which is a common social media platform, is used by many to access information. However, increasingly violent and fake images accompanied with voice notes, both in French and in local languages, are shared through the mobile app. Such messages often fuel hatred, violence and according to the government, constitute a threat to national security and public order.
Already, some citizens have expressed fears and concerns as to whether or not they will have access to internet during the election considering that during the 2015 presidential elections, accessing online news was difficult with particularly slow internet speed.
Furthermore, in 2017, the government shut down the internet in the name of national security. However, many believe it was an action done to disrupt the possibility of citizens to mobilize.
In a publication, TogoWeb, an online media organisation indicated that the government will take necessary measures “to ensure the safety of citizens. Arrangements aimed at ensuring security and national stability would be taken, for the interest of the population.” Shutting down the internet is a infringement of the digital rights and freedom of expression of citizens and must be condemned, according to the United Nations Human Rights Council.
Recommendations
Giving the prevailing context ahead of the February elections, the MFWA makes the following key recommendations:
1) Fact-checking Training for the Media
With barely a month to the elections, the media in Togo needs improved capacity in fact-checking both online and offline claims. This will help ensure more factual and professional reporting.
2) Conflict sensitive reporting
The media must also ensure that their reportage and language use across all media platforms do not incite hatred and the possible threat of violence. They should be mindful to provide access to all factions, people, and the different geographical locations in order to ensure fairness in coverage and as much as possible, depoliticise issues and to the population.
3) Citizens’ sensitisation against the spread of Fake news
The National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI), civil society organisations, opinion leaders must actively support citizens’ awareness campaigns against the spread of fake news and misinformation. Citizens must be sensitised on the consequences of fake news in the electoral period, and urged to verify information before sharing them on social media. Additionally, the media must commit to the use of decent language on air to contribute to a peaceful election.
Rachad Bani Samari is with the Media and Good Governance team at the Media Foundation for West Africa.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has appealed to the Ghana Police Service to give an update on the state of investigations into the murder on January 16, 2019 of Ahmed Hussein Suale.
In a letter addressed to the Inspector General of Police, James Oppong-Boanuh, on the first anniversary of the journalist’s murder, the MFWA expressed concern at the lack of update from the Police contrary to assurances to that effect.
The MFWA referred to a visit to the family of Ahmed Suale by a delegation of senior Police officers on January 22, 2019 during which they assured the family and the media of regular updates on their investigations into the murder. It also cited a publication on the Police Service’s official website in which they assured the public of such periodic updates.
“Unfortunately, the promised regular updates on the matter have not been forthcoming,” the MFWA said.
The MFWA asked the Inspector General of Police to use his good offices to ensure that investigations into Suale’s murder are carried out swiftly, expeditiously and to its logical conclusion, in line with the State’s obligation under the 1992 constitution to ensure that press freedom violations are investigated and the perpetrators punished.
Three freedom of expression violations were recorded in Nigeria and Benin in a relatively quiet December 2019 in West Africa, where two journalists were arrested and detained and a media house shut down, while a political activist imprisoned for organising anti-government protests was released.
In what was widely condemned as a dangerous precedent, security forces disrupted court proceedings in Abuja, Nigeria and arrested a journalist and political activist who was standing trial.
Heavily armed men of the Department of State Services (DSS) stormed the courtroom and re-arrested Omoyele Sowore in the morning of December 6, a day after the Federal High Court in Abuja had ordered them (DSS) to release the journalist who had been in the custody of the security agency for 124 days. Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu had also imposed a fine of 100,000 naira ($278) on the DSS for flouting earlier court orders to free the journalist who had been granted bail.
Scenes from the Federal High Court in Abuja, Nigeria when security personnel were re-arresting Nigerian activist Omoyele Sowore. Source: REUTERS/Afolabi Sotunde
The Sahara Reporters’ publisher was arrested on August 3 for calling for mass protests against the government under his #RevolutionNowCampaign. He was accused of treason, terrorism and money laundering.
On December 24, a court in Benin sentenced an investigative journalist to 18 months in prison and a fine of 200,000 CFA francs (USD400) for a post on social media.
Ignace Sossou, who works for Web TV, was found guilty of “harassment through electronic means of communication” after Benin’s Public Prosecutor, Mario Metonou, complained that the journalist’s social media posts had misquoted him and taken his statements out of context.
The journalist was arrested at his home by officials of the Central Office for the Suppression of Cybercrime and detained on December 20, a day after he made the posts.
Still in Benin, the media regulator, Haute autorite de l’audiovisuel et de la communication (HAAC), on December 17, closed down a private radio station owned by a leading opposition politician for failure to renew its licence.
The Management of the station later explained that in August 2019, they submitted an application signed by the Manager, Jerome Kassa, to the HAAC to renew their operating licence which was due to expire in December 2019. The HAAC insisted that no other person can sign documents to renew a license which was issued in the name of Sebastien Ajavon, the owner of the station and opposition politician now living in exile in France.
December was, however, a month of mixed fortunes as two important redress incidents were also recorded. On December 24 2019, Omoleye Sowore, who had been detained since August 3, 2019, was released on the orders of Nigeria’s Attorney General, Abubakar Malami. The Christmas eve gesture also benefitted Samobo Dasuki, a former National Security Advisor who had been detained on corruption charges since 2015.
In another progressive development, a journalist who works for Adom FM in Accra secured a symbolic legal victory over a political party activist who assaulted her. The presiding judge, Gifty Adjei Addo, on December 2, awarded a cost of GH¢9,000 (about US$1,600) against Hajia Fati, a member of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) in Ghana for assaulting the journalist, Ohemaa Sakyiwaa of Accra-based Adom FM.
The suit followed a violent attack on Sakyiwaa by Hajia Fati at the party’s Headquarters in Accra where she had gone to cover an event on May 4, 2018. The assailant also destroyed the journalist’s mobile phone.
The fifteen anniversary of the killing of journalist Deyda Hydara fell on December 16, and the MFWA used the occasion to call for justice for the family of the former editor of the Point newspaper in The Gambia.
“If the killers suffer no consequences, they and future perpetrators will not be dissuaded,” the MFWA said in a statement to mark the day.
On December 29, 2019, Guinea Bissau successfully held its long-delayed presidential round-off polls without any press freedom violations or internet disruption being recorded.
The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) strongly condemns the attack in the home of journalist Yacouba Ladji Bama in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, and calls on the authorities to investigate the attack and punish the perpetrators.
On January 7, 2020, around 3 a.m, some unknown individuals stormed the home of Ladji Bama, who is an investigative journalist and editor of the Courrier Confidentiel newspaper. The assailants set fire to the inside of his vehicle by throwing a bottle filled with a combustible substance. The intruders fled the scene without attempting any further act of aggression.
The attackers appeared to have targeted the journalist’s documents all of which were burnt. Fortunately, the household was alerted by the fire and smoke, and he was able come out to bring it under control, but only after the interior of the vehicle had been extensively damaged. The fleeing thugs left behind a molotov cocktail (petrol bomb) which had not been detonated.
Ladji is known for his critical publications and investigative reporting on corruption. In one of his publications in the second half of 2019, the journalist reported on a series of road contracts awarded at inflated costs.
Although the assailants have not been identified and the motives for the attack is yet to established, the victim says there is every reason to believe that the attack is related to his work.
“Even if evidence is not yet available, I remain convinced that it is related to my work,” Ladji Bama told MFWA.
The attack was unanimously condemned by the media and press freedom organisations including the Norbert Zongo National Press Centre (CNP-NZ), MFWA’s national partner organisation in Burkina Faso.
Burkina Faso’s national anti-corruption organisation, Réseau national de Lutte anti-corruption (REN-LAC) has demanded an investigation into what it believes was a possible assassination attempt.
“While expressing our support for Yacouba Ladji Bama, we strongly condemn this apparent attempt to muzzle, possibly assassinate, a journalist who gives corrupt people sleepless night through his investigations,” read a statement issued by REN-LAC.
Meanwhile, a delegation from the Ministry of Communication and Relations with Parliament has visited the journalist to express its full solidarity.
The MFWA joins press freedom organisations in condemning this barbaric attack Ladji Bama in an apparent attempt to harm a journalist who is only doing his job. We call on the authorities to take steps to ensure the safety of the journalist and his family and on the police to investigate the attack so that all the facts are fully clarified and the perpetrators are brought to justice.
The media regulator in Benin, Haute Autorite de l’Audiovisuel et de la Communication (HAAC) has closed down a private radio station owned by a leading opposition politician for failure to renew its licence.
The station, Soleil FM, announced to its listeners shortly after 11 p.m. on December, 17, 2019 that it was going to shut down in compliance with the HAAC’s orders at midnight.
In August, 2019, the Management of Radio Soleil submitted an application to the HAAC to renew their licence which was due to expire in December 2019. However, the regulatory body rejected the application, which was signed by the Manager of the radio station, Jérôme Kassa. The HAAC insisted that no other person can sign documents to renew a license which was issued in the name of Sebastien Ajavon, the owner of the station who is currently living in France.
The Management of the station said as they were working towards regularising the application, the HAAC wrote to order them to cease broadcasting because the existing licence had expired.
Jérôme Kassa does not rule out political reasons for the closure of the radio station. He however says he is ready to dialogue with HAAC to ensure that Soleil FM resumes broadcasting.
The station is known for its objective but hard-hitting reportage and analysis of national issues and is the favourite of the majority of opposition supporters seeking an alternative narrative to the pro-government news outlets and the “captured” state media.
The MFWA finds the closure of Soleil FM as very unfortunate, especially when the management of the station had initiated steps to fulfill its statutory obligations to the HAAC. We urge HAAC to soften its stance and allow the radio station to renew its license.
It took over two decades for Parliament to pass the Right to Information (RTI) law, a bill that would allow the public access to information. In one month, the law will be implemented but is government prepared? In this piece, the MFWA looks into whether the nation is ready for its implementation in addition to recommendations to ensure the process rolls out smoothly.
On September 25, 2019, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) engaged civil society actors, Government’s Ministries, Departments and Agencies, Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs), academia, media and the general public in a public discourse on the Right to Information (RTI) Law. The event formed part of the MFWA’s project aimed at deepening access to information and participatory governance. But more importantly, the event presented a platform to discuss government’s plans towards the implementation of the RTI in Ghana.
Indeed, persistence and resiliency characterises Ghana’s journey towards the passing of the RTI Bill into Law. In 1999, the Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA) drafted the first RTI Bill. This was reviewed three times; in 2003, 2005 and 2007, before it was presented to Parliament in 2010. Following some recommendations made on the draft, the Bill was withdrawn, reworked and resubmitted to Parliament in 2018. Throughout the Fourth Republic, the RTI bill had been in and out of Parliament until it was eventually passed into law on March 26, 2019.
For a country that has gone through several years of advocacy, before having the RTI law passed, it is only prudent that the momentum around the law and its implementation is maintained by ensuring that every action, every structure and every policy required for its operationalisation is not only put in place, but also, such efforts are made in earnest. It was therefore highly commended when Government of Ghana, through the Ministry of Information announced a roadmap almost immediately following the passage of the Bill to guide its implementation.
Thus, according to the roadmap, before the end of December 2019, the Ministry of Information being the lead implementer of the RTI law, would have completed a nationwide sensitisation campaign, set up the RTI Commission and appointed a Commissioner. Additionally, it would have secured the necessary financial and logistical support, and together with the Office of the Head of Civil Service (OHCS) recruited information officers to facilitate the implementation processes. However, with only a few days to the end of the year, one is tempted to ask if the timelines given for the operationalisation is one that can be met and whether government is on track vis-à-vis the roadmap? Below are some of the issues at hand.
Government’s Momentum Around the RTI
There is no doubt that the roadmap presents a convincing and determined approach for the take-off of the RTI Law’s implementation. Having started with a stakeholder engagement, the roadmap gives holistic timelines to the operatonalisation of the law. However, from the roadmap, a number of outstanding activities and issues are yet to be addressed. For instance, the issue of dates set for the implementation of key activities on the roadmap vis-à-vis what has been met is low. As it stands now, only a few training sessions have been conducted to sensitise key officials on the RTI. The remaining set of activities earmarked to sensitise relevant stakeholders about the RTI law are yet to take place.
Institutional and Infrastructural Pre-requisite for the Efficient Administration of the RTI Law
Membership of the RTI Commission and its Secretariat is another essential element to ensure the effective and efficient operationalisation of the RTI law. In a speech read on behalf of the Information Minister during the forum organised by the MFWA, he hinted that Government was soon going to appoint the RTI Commissioner. He added that the appointment which would be before the end of October, is part of the roadmap for the implementation of the RTI Act. Unfortunately, the appointment of the Commissioner and the establishment of the RTI Commission and its constitutions have not seen the light of day.
Funding of the RTI Architecture
Lawyer Akoto Ampaw, renowned legal practitioner and ardent advocate of the RTI law in Ghana, once said that the best way to stall the operationalisation of the RTI law is to starve it of the necessary logistical and financial resources. Although there has been room made in the 2020 budget to implement the law, it is not clear when this budget allocation will be available to address the necessary infrastructural and financial deficits for the full take-off of implementation activities. Up until now, government has not disclosed the actual cost for the implementation. Unfortunately, for a law that seeks to do away with opaqueness in governance, citizens have been left in oblivion on how much, and when the necessary financial resources will be available to operationalise the RTI.
Nationwide Sensitisation Campaign
Although the Ministry of Information has done some sensitisation for Chief Directors and Regional Coordinating Directors on the RTI law, the effort has not expanded to cover citizens, who are the overall beneficiaries of the law.
While the MFWA commends government for kick-starting this process, it is concerned about the slow pace of work and urges government to scale-up the processes in line with timelines indicated in order to make the RTI law fully operational by January 2020. The MFWA also calls on the media to engage the public on the RTI law by using their platforms to run discussions around the RTI law. This initiative will greatly complement government’s efforts towards a nationwide sensitisation campaign.
Additionally, the MFWA encourages government to engage the services of the National Commission on Civic Education (NCCE) in the sensitisation processes.
The MFWA also urges the media coalition on the RTI to develop further strategies for advocacy on the implementation of the law. This will keep the momentum high to ensure effective operatonalisation of the law.
Finally, the MFWA entreats government to fast-track the constitution of the RTI Commission and the appointment of a competent Commissioner to run the Commission.
Written By: Adizatu Moro Maiga, Programme Officer, Media, Good Governance and Democracy
Today, December 16, 2019, marks exactly fifteen years since Deyda Hydara, former editor of the Point newspaper in The Gambia, was killed by suspected state-sponsored assassins.
On this solemn occasion, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) commiserates with Hydara’s family and the media fraternity in The Gambia and calls on The Gambian authorities to ensure that justice is served.
Hydara, co-founder and Editor of The Point newspaper and ardent press freedom advocate, was fatally shot by drive-by shooters on the night of December 16, 2004, as he drove home from work.
After a hurried inquiry lasting 22 days, the State failed to find the killers, with then President Jammeh suggesting that Hydara himself was to blame for his death. In an interview on the state-owned Gambian Radio and Television Stations (GRTS) on June 9, 2009, Yahya Jammeh said the journalist was murdered by “a jealous husband, whose wife committed adultery with Hydara.”
Jammeh’s regime thus rejected all responsibility for Hydara’s killing despite widespread public suspicion that the crime was state-sponsored.
Fortunately, a former henchman of Yahya Jammeh, Lieutenant Malick Jatta, on July 22, 2019, confessed at The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) that he (Jatta) participated in the killing of the journalist and that the ex-dictator gave the order for the assassination.
The MFWA believes that this confession will bring a new perspective to investigations into the murder and facilitate the prosecution of the perpetrators in order to end impunity over the incident.
We recognize the important steps that the new Gambian administration headed by President Adama Barrow has taken towards redressing the killing of Hydara, including the ongoing trial of former Army Commander, Kawsu Camara, and former member of Yahya Jammeh’s hit squad, Major Sanna Manjang.
The government also paid compensation to Hydara’s the family in 2018, in compliance with the ECOWAS Court of Justice ruling of June 10, 2014.
While the MFWA celebrates the payment of compensation to Hydara’s family as an important breakthrough, we believe that the gesture still does not address the liability of the killers who have so far paid no price for their crime. The compensation may bring some relief to the bereaved family, but if the killers suffer no consequences, they and future perpetrators will not be dissuaded.
We, therefore, seize this occasion of the fifteenth anniversary of Hydara’s killing to reiterate our call on the Gambian authorities to ensure that justice is served and end the impunity over the incident.
