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42 Protesters Killed, Over Two Hundred Arrested in Nine Months: The Sad State of Human Rights in Guinea

Kwaku Asante
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42 Protesters Killed, Over Two Hundred Arrested in Nine Months: The Sad State of Human Rights in Guinea

Over the past nine months (June 2019 – March 2020), about 42 people have been killed, over one hundred arrested and hundreds more injured in a crackdown by security forces in Guinea in blatant violation of all the tenets of democracy and human rights.

Intriguingly, it is not because the country is at war. These violations arise from the resolute determination of President Alpha Conde to extend his tenure beyond the constitutionally-approved maximum of two five-year terms.

After months of speculations, the ruling Rassemblement du Peuple de Guinée (RPG) party at its weekly meeting held on May 11, 2019, officially declared that a proposal to amend the constitution was in the offing. Despite a wave of vigorous nationwide protests, a referendum to remove presidential term limits to enable President Conde to seek a third mandate has been proposed.

The referendum, coupled with legislative elections, was to be held on March 1, 2020, with the opposition boycotting the exercise. The polls were, however, postponed to allow an ECOWAS team of experts to audit the electoral register which credibility was one of the key concerns of the opposition. With that exercise done, the electoral commission has fixed March 22, 2020 as the new date for the polls.

The tensed and violent build-up hardly promises peace during and after the polls, unless there is a drastic change in the posture of the parties involved. The authorities have since mid-2019 deployed the full force of the security agencies to stifle all opposition to President Conde’s third-term ambitions.

In what underlines its radical stand, the government on July 6, 2019 pushed through Parliament a controversial legislation which does not only empower gendarmes to shoot on sight during public order and anti-terror operations, but also insulates the security agency from prosecution.

Events since the passage of this law have confirmed the worst fears of human rights defenders and citizens as the security forces have embarked on a brutal crackdown on protesters with a fatal outcome that is that is alarming even for Guinea, which is notorious for deadly attacks on demonstrators.

Aside of the killings, more than a hundred protesters and civil society activists have been arrested and detained. Journalists have also been beaten for covering the brutalities or harassed for providing media space to dissident voices.

Below is a snapshot of press freedom, freedom of expression and freedom of assembly violations recorded by the MFWA in connection with the contested third-term agenda of President Conde since June 2019:

Killings 

June 13, 2019: A bloody security crackdown on demonstrators, coupled with attacks by ruling party supporters, left one person dead and 22 others injured in the southern town of N’Zérékoré.

June 19, 2019: Mory Kourouma a member of the FNDC who was brutalised by pro-government thugs on April 30, 2019, succumbed to his injuries while receiving treatment at the hospital. Kourouma was participating in a demonstration against the third-term agenda when he was assaulted alongside several other protesters in the town of Kindia.

October 14, 2019: Security forces carried out a bloody cracked down on citizens demonstrating against President Alpha Conde’s attempts to seek a third term. At least nine protesters were killed and several others injured.

November 4, 2019: Security forces killed two people who were part of a procession accompanying the dead bodies of eleven people killed in earlier crackdowns on anti-government demonstrators.

November 6, 2019: Soldiers killed two young men during anti-government protest. Mamadou Bela Baldé was hit in the head by a bullet. Mamadou Alimou Diallo was also fatally hit in the chest in the Conakry suburb of Wanidara.

January 13, 2020: The Police killed two people, one in Conakry and the other in Labe during a protest against the third-term proposition.  Mamadou Sow, a 21-year-old high school student, was shot dead in Coza, Conakry. The other victim, Amadou Diallo, died from gunshot wounds after the security forces opened fire to disperse demonstrators in Labé.

February 13, 2020: Security forces fired at anti-third term protesters at Wanindara, Conakry. One of the protesters, a 15 year-old high school student, Idrissa Barry, died after being hit by a bullet.

Physical Attacks

June 7, 2019: The authorities in the Prefecture of Maferinya violently quelled a protest by a coalition of anti-third term groups, including the FNDC.

June 16, 2019: The police stormed la Maison des associations, a facility housing civil society organisations located in Matoto, a suburb of Conakry, and violently dispersed members of a pressure group opposed to President Conde’s third term agenda.

Arrests/Detention

June 7, 2019: The security forces arrested a number of leaders of the anti-third term coalition in the Prefecture of Maferinya, after quelling a protest organised by the coalition. The arrested persons included Alpha Paina Camara, the local coordinator of the FNDC. He was however released three days later over health concerns and taken to hospital.

June 16, 2019: The police stormed la Maison des associations, a facility housing civil society organisations located in Matoto, a suburb of Conakry and arrested members of anti-third term group defiantly named A’Moulanfé (It will not happen). The group was holding a meeting when the police descended on them.

October 12, 2019: The police arrested six leaders of the anti-third term coalition FNDC, while they were preparing to address a press conference. The arrested leaders included Abdourahamane Sanoh, a former Minister of State and national coordinator of the FNDC.

October 13, 2019: Seven FNDC leaders, including Badara Koné, the Secretary General of the youth of the Union des Forces Republicaines (UFR), which is a member organisation of the FNDC, were arrested in the Conakry suburb of Matam on the eve an anti-government demonstration called by the FNDC. They were detained at the Criminal Investigation Department of the Police in Conakry till October 22, 2019 when they were sentenced to between six months and one year in prison.

October 14, 2019: Security forces arrested over one hundred protesters in a deadly crackdown on protests across Guinea. According to FNDC’s count, 200 protesters were arrested.

November 14 2019; The police arrested five FNDC members who were on their way to participate in a protest in the city of Kindia. The mayor of Kindia had previously banned the protest.

February 14, 2020: Yamoussa Lansana Sylla, a member of the opposition Union des Forces Republicaines (UFR) party, was arrested and detained for opposing President Alpha Conde’s bid for a third term in a Facebook post. Sylla republished a statement in which Guinea’s Prime Minister, Kassory Fofana. then in opposition, attacked pro-Conde voters. The activist then underlined the irony of Mr. Fofana now championing President Conde’s third term bid, and invited comments on the post. Sylla was released provisionally after spending 19 days in detention, but could be jailed if finally found guilty.

February 19, 2020: Three women, Nene Camara, Yarie Camara and Mariam Diallo, all activists of the Front National pour la Defense de la Constitution (FNDC), were arrested during a demonstration against President Alpha Conde’s third term agenda at the Conakry suburb of Bonfi. They were detained for 19 days at the Conakry Central Prison before arraigned in court.

March 6, 2020: The police arrested Sekou Koundouno and Ibrahima Diallo, two leading members of the FNDC at the latter’s home in the Ratoma District of Conakry. The activists had earlier that day addressed a press conference, backed by video evidence, to condemn abuses being perpetrated by the government against opponents of the third-term agenda of President Conde. They were detained at the Police CID cells for three days before being transferred to the Conakry Central Prison for another three days on a detention warrant issued by an investigating Magistrate. Koundouno and Diallo were provisionally released after spending six days on accusations of inciting violence publishing content liable to disturb public order.

Sentencing

October 22, 2019: A court in Conakry sentenced six FNDC leaders, who had been arrested on October 12 and 13, 2019, to prison terms of between six months and one year on charges of organising banned protests and “inciting civil disobedience.”  The charges related to FNDC-organised protests on October 14 and 16, 2019 that ended with at least 11 deaths among the protesters.

December 19, 2019; A Magistrate’s Court in Kindia sentenced three members of the FNDC to four months in prison, three of the months suspended. As the activists, namely Alseny Farinta Camara, Moussa Sanoh and Boubacar Diallo, had already spent 36 days in detention, they were released. They were part of five people arrested on November 14, 2019 in the city of Kindia, while on their way to participate in a protest. The five were charged with ‘participation in an unauthorised public gathering.’

March 9, 2020: Nene Camara, Yarie Camara and Mariam Diallo, of the FNDC, were found guilty of “directly inciting a mob” during a demonstration on February 19, 2020. They were however handed six months suspended sentences each, thus sparing them from actually serving time in prison.

Repressive Law

July 6, 2019: Parliament passed a dangerous law authorising gendarmes to “shoot on sight” during public order and anti-terror operations without fear of prosecution. The law gave gendarmes the power to shoot protesters without any consequence.

Press Freedom Violations

August 19, 2019: Aboubacar Algassimou Diallo, host of the prime-time show Oeil de Lynx on Lynx FM, was summoned by the Criminal Investigations Department of the Police. This followed the July 31, 2019 edition of Oeil de Lynx during which the host interviewed one Ms. Sanoh Dossou Conde, a fierce critic of President Conde’s bid to seek a third term. Diallo was subsequently placed under judicial control and his programme suspended.

October 17, 2019: The police in Conakry detained Nicolas Haque, head of Al-Jazeera’s office in Dakar and cameraman Hugo Bogaeert after accusing them of ‘’spying and undermining state security.” The state media regulator, Haute Autoritéde la Communication (HAC) also withdrew the accreditation of the journalists after they accused them of making “ethnocentric reports.”

November 14, 2019: Gendarmes assaulted two journalists who were covering a crackdown on demonstrators in Conakry. Alhassane Fofana of Mosaique of Guinee.com was assaulted by a gendarme after he fell while trying to escape the suffocating fumes from tear gas thrown by security forces. The gendarme seized the journalist’s phone, apparently to prevent the publication of images of their brutal crackdown on demonstrators. Mamadou Djiwo Bah, a reporter for the online media outlet, LoupeGuinee.com, fell unconscious after tear gas was thrown in his direction. The demonstrators who were trying to flee the tear gas trampled on the journalist, leaving him with severe injuries.

March 5, 2020: Police officers assaulted Thomas Dietrich, a France-based journalist who had gone to Guinea to cover political events in the country. The police hit Dietrich and seized his phone as he was filming attacks on demonstrators.

March 6, 2020: The police picked up Thomas Dietrich at Nongo, a suburb of Conakry and took him to the airport to be deported to his native France. Guinea’s media regulatory body, Haute Autorite de la Communication later said it has withdrawn the journalist’s accreditation for exceeding the limits of his permit, while the Ministry of Security and Civil Protection, also confirmed that Dietrich’s visa had been cancelled for engaging in activities outside the terms and conditions of his visa.

Recommendation

The MFWA is very concerned about the current situation in Guinea and hopes that the ECOWAS and the AU will intervene in this situation to preserve Guinea’s democracy, peace, security and the protection of the rights of citizens.

We appeal to the leaders of ECOWAS and AU to enforce regional mechanisms and protocols on good governance, human rights and democracy to prevent President Conde and other leaders from acting in ways that do not bode well for good governance, peace and security.

The MFWA further reiterates its calls on the government of Guinea to take measures to ensure that the media, civil society activists and potential protesters are protected from wanton attacks during and after the polls. We also urge the media to take precautions, demonstrate professionalism and work to advance the national, rather than parochial interests.

Update: The Media and Covid-19 in West Africa (March 16th – 22nd, 2020)

Kwaku Asante
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Update: The Media and Covid-19 in West Africa (March 16th – 22nd, 2020)

This week West Africa witnessed an increase in the number of countries that have recorded the coronavirus outbreak with Benin, Niger, The Gambia, Liberia confirming their first cases.

These developments take to 13 the number of countries in the region that recorded cases of the virus. In a bid to curb the spread of Covid-19, several governments in the sub-region adopted drastic measures.

There has been a high demand for timely and trust worthy information and updates among citizens on developments regarding the outbreak – global and national trends on the virus, its impact and containment measures.

This came in the wake of series of Fake News across the region. In Ghana for example, a video went viral on social media showing a University of Ghana student fighting for her life, while in Senegal was a video showed passengers at the national airport dying from the coronavirus. In order to dismiss the circulating Fake News in their respective countries Government officials in Benin and Niger put out several statements, the government in Senegal is resorting to legal measures to punish Fake News entrepreneurs.

Nigerian officials are in partnership with Facebook to fight Fake News on social media, while in Ghana, several fact-checking sites  and  state agencies are playing an active role in countering Fake news narratives.

On a rather disturbing note, officials in Niger arrested a journalist on grounds of disseminating disturbing information about the virus.

 

Media Coverage of COVID-19: Stick to Facts, Avoid Sensationalism

Kwaku Asante
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Media Coverage of COVID-19: Stick to Facts, Avoid Sensationalism

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has taken note of the rising spate of COVID-19 cases in West Africa and urges the media in the region not to escalate fear and panic by refraining from spreading misinformation.

Globally, more than 150,000 people have contracted the virus across six continents. In West Africa, nine out of the 16 countries have recorded cases, affecting almost 50 people as of the afternoon of March 16, 2020, with no recorded deaths.

While we commend the media for informing the public about COVID-19 and providing precautionary measures for its audiences, we caution editors and journalists to double check their sources and to take additional steps to verify facts before they are reported on any media platform.

Journalists should reduce the use of sensational words and expressions in their reporting so as not to incite fear and panic. Media professionals must be vigilant in selecting images and videos that could possibly mislead or send the wrong message. Media managers must also be mindful that their platforms are meant to inform and educate.

In times like these, the safety of journalists must be paramount and not be compromised. We urge the media to take precautionary measures as it relates to protecting journalists from contracting and transmitting COVID-19. Media practitioners must therefore take the necessary precautions when reporting, such as wearing protective clothing when visiting a quarantined center and using hand sanitisers when reporting from the field in addition to washing hands as often as possible.

The MFWA also calls on governments across the region to be transparent and proactive with information delivery on the status of COVID-19 to the media, citizens and other stakeholders.

The public must also be weary about fake news and misinformation about the virus. People must take the extra responsibility to verify information from trusted sources such as in-country public health ministries or agencies, the United Nations and the World Health Organisation.

Teachers Protest for Better Conditions Turns Bloody

Kwaku Asante
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Teachers Protest for Better Conditions Turns Bloody

The attack by Malian security forces on teachers who were marching to demand better service conditions is unwarranted and a violation of their right to peaceful assembly.

The march in Bamako on March 11, 2020 had gone on smoothly, only for security forces to attack the demonstrators with tear gas and batons as the teachers turned into the lane leading to the Prime Minister’s Office where they were to present a petition.

Some of the demonstrators were injured and a number of them were arrested and taken away in police vehicles. Some of the marchers reportedly responded by pelting the police vehicles with stones.

In a press release broadcast on national television later that day, the government confirmed that nine protesters were arrested and taken to the police station, adding that four police officers also sustained injuries, with a number of police vehicles damaged.

 Meanwhile, the national human rights commission, Commission Nationale des Droits de l’Homme (CNDH), has condemned the attack and called on the government to respect the right to peaceful assembly.

“The freedom to demonstrate peacefully without disturbing public order is part of the democratic exercise and constitutes fundamental human rights. To this end, the CNDH calls on the Government to observe this constitutional right,” read a statement signed by the Chairman of the Commission, Aguibou Bouaré and issued on March 12, 2020.

The MFWA equally condemns the attack on the demonstrators and demands the release of those who were arrested during the skirmishes. While we call on the government to stop the security forces from the excessive use of force against demonstrators, the MFWA also urges demonstrators to abide by the law even under extreme provocation and avoid excesses.

February 2020 in West Africa: Two Dead, Internet Disrupted and State Broadcaster Shutdown

Kwaku Asante
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February 2020 in West Africa: Two Dead, Internet Disrupted and State Broadcaster Shutdown

The freedom of expression environment in West Africa in February 2020 saw little improvement on that of January with incidents of deaths, detentions and internet disruptions.

A fatal shooting of a protester was recorded in Guinea, a journalist succumbed weeks after being assaulted by soldiers, the internet was disrupted during elections in Togo and Guinea Bissau’s military invaded the premises of the national broadcasting service and shut it down.

Killings

Broadcast journalist, Zenu Miller died on February 15, three weeks after reporting that President George Weah’s body guards had attacked him at the Samuel Kanyon Doe (SKD) Stadium in Monrovia. The former OK FM staff, who was beaten on January 26, 2020, was pronounced dead a few hours after he was rushed to the Elwa Hospital, following a sudden deterioration in his condition. Miller left behind a wife and a son.

On February 17, security forces in Guinea shot and killed a student protester in the town of Lola. Saa Étienne Ouendino died on the way to the hospital after being hit by a bullet in clashes between security forces and high school students who were demonstrating to demand an end to a teachers’ strike.

Shutdown

On February 29, 2020, soldiers close to Guinea Bissau’s elected President, Umaro Sissoco Embalo, occupied the premises of the RTGB, after evacuating the staff, thus grounding both the radio and television services. The soldiers’ action followed the refusal of the national broadcasting service to cover the inauguration ceremony of President Embalo whose second-round victory in the country’s December 29, 2019 elections is being contested at the country’s Supreme Court by the rival candidate Domingos Simoes Pereira and his party, Parti africain pour l’indépendance de la Guinée et du Cap-Vert (PAIGC).

Internet Disruption

On February 22, Togolese went to the polls in a much-anticipated presidential election that eventually extended the mandate of incumbent President Faure Gnassingbe for another five years. While the elections went on peacefully without any press freedom violations, the authorities disrupted the internet. Social media networks such as Facebook and Messenger were inaccessible in several parts of the country beginning at 17:00 GMT. Twitter and WhatsApp were, however, partially accessible.

Freedom of Assembly Violation

Still in Togo, security forces used truncheons to beat and disperse demonstrators who were gathering in front of the Saint Joseph College in Lome on February 28,2020. The opposition supporters had gathered in response to the call of the Archbishop Emeritus of Lomé, Philippe Kpodzro, to demonstrate against the results of the country’s presidential elections held a week earlier. One person was arrested, then released later in the day, while several others were wounded as a result of the attack.

Arrest/Detention

On February 14, the police arrested Yamoussa Lansana Sylla, a member of the opposition Union des forces republicaines (UFR) after he posted comments on Facebook in which he appeared to mock Guinea’s Prime Minister and express opposition to President Alpha Conde’s bid for a third term in office. Sylla was detained until he was arraigned in court on March 4, 2020, on charges of defamation and incitement to violence. The court granted him provisional release and adjourned the case to march 11.

On February 19, three women were arrested and detained during a demonstration called by the Front national pour la defense de la constitution (FNDC), the group leading the campaign against President Conde’s attempt to seek a third term. Nene Camara, Yarie Camara and Mariam Diallo, all of them activists of the FNDC, were accused of “directly inciting a mob” during the demonstration in the Conakry suburb of Bonfi. They were still in detention as of the end of February.

On February 21, Mamadou Aliou Diallo, a journalist working with the news website Zone Afrique and Agronews TV was arrested by officers of the mobile intervention force, Compagnie mobile d’intervention et de securite (CMIS) in the Guinean capital, Conakry. The journalist was filming officers of the motor traffic police extorting money from motorists at a discreet distance when officers of the CMIS spotted him and arrested him.

On February 26, 2020, six members of Alliance pour la Refondation de l’Etat Mauritanien (AREM), a movement advocating for political and social reforms in Mauritania, were arrested and jailed in Mauritania for calling for political reforms. The police searched the activists’ phones and found a WhatsApp discussion in which the members denounced certain cultural and religious practices in Mauritania and called for reforms. They were charged with attacking Islam and promoting terrorism. A seventh member was released under judicial control conditions after the arrest; her movements are monitored and she is required to report to the authorities on a regular basis.

 Censorship

On February 22, the administrative and law enforcement authorities prevented Alpha Ousmane Bah and Kossa Sow, who work with the news website Africaguinee.com and Espace FM radio, respectively, from reporting on the plight of truck drivers stranded on the Guinea-Senegal border as a result of a ban on overland importation of goods by the Guinea government. After being unduly delayed at the Guinea border and subsequently, at the office of the Prefect of the border town, the journalists ended their cooperation with the authorities and decided to proceed with their mission. They were, however, prevented from crossing the border by security officers who said they had been instructed to do so.

Threat

On February 27, 2020, Edward Adeti, a journalist with A1 Radio, based in Bolgatanga in the Upper East Region of Ghana, reported to the police that he has been receiving threats  and being stalked by unknown persons. Adeti said he believed the threats are linked to his investigative video titled “Cash for Justice” which implicated a Principal State Attorney in a bribery scandal. In response, the Regional Police Command has deployed security officers to monitor the journalist’s home.

Other Developments

On February 26, Prof. Aaron Oquaye, Speaker of the National Assembly of Ghana warned that he would prevent journalists from covering the House if they decide to prioritise any other issue over proceedings in the Chamber. The warning came a day after the press corps went out of the Chamber to interact with an opposition Member of Parliament while the House was holding a plenary discussion on the State of the Nation address delivered a few days earlier by President Akufo-Addo. The opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) party had boycotted the proceeding.

On February 29, 2020, two journalists, Samuel Ogundipe and Musikilu Mojeed, reporter and editor respectively working for the online newspaper Premium Times in Nigeria were forced to go underground after receiving intelligence that the DSS is on the hunt to arrest and intimidate them to reveal their sources. Samuel Ogundipe and Musikilu Mojeed, published a story suggesting a power struggle between President Muhammadu Buhari’s security chiefs. The story cited a leaked memo from the National Security Adviser, Babagana Monguno, instructing all service chiefs to stop taking instructions from President Buhari’s Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari. Following the story, security agents were spotted surveying the residences of the journalists, apparently in an attempt to arrest them.

Security agents have been surveying the residences of the two journalists in an apparent attempt to arrest them.

On February 13, Agba Jalingo, Publisher of the Cross River Watch newspaper was granted bail after 174 days of detention. The journalist was arrested on August 22, 2019, after he published a report alleging that the Cross River State government had diverted monies allocated in the State budget for the establishment of a community bank. He spent a total of 174 days in police cell and in prison as his trial raged on. A Federal High Court in Calabar granted the journalist N10 million (USD 27, 300) bail, following a successful application by his lawyer, Attah Ochinke.

Three Women Activists Regain Freedom after 19 Days in Pre-Trial Detention

Kwaku Asante
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Three Women Activists Regain Freedom after 19 Days in Pre-Trial Detention

Three women activists who were arrested and detained during a demonstration against President Alpha Conde’s third term agenda, have regained their freedom after spending 19 days in detention at the Conakry Central Prison.

Nene Camara, Yarie Camara and Mariam Diallo, all activists of the Front National pour la Defense de la Constitution (FNDC), the group coordinating the nation-wide anti-third term campaign, were found guilty of “directly inciting a mob” during the demonstration in the Conakry suburb of Bonfi on February 19, 2020. They were however handed six months suspended sentences each, thus sparing them from actually serving time in prison.

The decision of the Magistrate Court of Mafanco on March 9, was hailed by Thierno Souleymane Barry, one of the lawyers of the accused..

“We are satisfied because the place of these ladies is not at the prison, but rather with their families,” said the defense lawyer.

The three activists join a tall list of victims of the Guinean authorities’ clampdown on groups and individuals opposed to President Alpha Conde’s attempt to remove term limits from Guinea’s constitution via a controversial referendum to enable him stand for a third term in office. Several protesters have been killed, detained or threatened in a violent reprisal against opponents of the third-term agenda.

Although the MFWA welcomes the release of three activists, we condemn their detention for 19 days as a violation of their rights. We therefore urge the authorities in Guinea to take urgent steps to end the ongoing repression against protesters.

The Media and the Fight Against Terrorism in West Africa : The Case of Burkina Faso

Kwaku Asante
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The Media and the Fight Against Terrorism in West Africa : The Case of Burkina Faso

Since 2015, Burkina Faso, once known as a bastion of peace in Africa, has been engulfed in the fight against terrorism which has claimed hundreds of lives and severely affected press freedom. As of 2019, the country had recorded an estimated 283 terrorist attacks claiming 524 lives. Although recent attacks are concentrated in the regions of Hauts-Bassins, Boucle du Mouhoun, Nord, Sahel, and Est, designated as the red zones, terrorist attacks have been carried out in many other parts of the country.

According to the latest United Nation report, on Burkina Faso, the violence triggered a humanitarian crisis uprooting about  486,000 people from their homes. The report further indicated that Burkina Faso has become home to the “fastest growing displacement in Africa’’.

The creeping rise of terrorist attacks in the country, and the ballooning frustrations from the population has set the government’s teeth on edge. Citizens have increasingly begun losing trust in the government’s ability to deal with the threat and neutralise these marauding groups. Political parties from the opposition have repeatedly called on the country’s Prime Minister and the Defence Minister to stepdown for failure to deal with the menace.

In 2019, the Burkinabe government adopted a number of measures to quell the menace. This included the declaration of a state of emergency, the creation of a special task force, and the adoption of a law that criminalises the demoralisation of armed forces through the press. Some of the new law’s article threatens press freedom amid the unfolding security crisis. For example, article 312-15 of the new law, criminalises the publication of “information, images, or sounds’’ of a kind to “compromise an operation or an intervention’’ of security forces against acts of terrorism while Article 312-16 criminalises the “unauthorised publication, by any means, of the images or sounds of the scene of a terrorist offence’’. These offences are punishable between one to five years in jail, as well as a maximum fine of 10 million CFA (about USD 17,000).

Burkina Faso is home to a diverse media landscape comprised of about 87 newspapers (11 dailies, 11 weeklies, 17 bimonthlies, 20 monthlies and 1 bi-quarterly and 27 publications written in local languages), 25 online media outlets, 163 radio stations and 33 television channels. This is the media highly commended for its pivotal role in the social and political uprising that toppled the longstanding President Blaise Compaoré and resulted in several legal reforms.

Today however, the prevailing context of terrorism and ethnic clashes; security threats against journalists and a harsh legislative environment is having a negative toll on the independence of the country’s media industry as key allies in the fight against terrorism; and resulting in a phenomenon of growing censorship among media practitioners.

The Media Foundation for West Africa has been monitoring and engaging with several journalists in the country on how terrorism is affecting the media landscape.

1. Harsh Legislative Environment

Following the 2014 massive uprising, Cheriff Sy, then head of the transitional parliament, underlined the “need to seize the opportunity to make changes to legislation, real qualitative changes such as the right to access information and decriminalisation. This is an occasion to pass new laws.” The aim was to create a suitable legal environment enabling the media to efficiently carry out its mandate and provide citizens the platforms to express their views. At the time, laws such as the right to access information were adopted and legal provisions limiting the role of the media were repealed.

However, the new law adopted by the country’s parliament in June 2019 represents a serious infringement on freedom of expression and of the press and further violates citizens’ right to information. Several civil society organisations including the Media Foundation for West Africa denounced the adoption of the law that would limit freedom of expression and citizen’s right to information. Even though the government believes these laws would help in fighting terrorism, organised crime, and the spread of ‘’Fake News’’, the situation has triggered among journalists a series of painful flashbacks of the Compaoré regime that considerably cracked down on the media. According to a journalist at Le Reporter, a local newspaper “the media is paying a heavy price in the name of the fight against terrorism’’.

2. Security Threat against Media Practitioners

Increasingly, media professionals operating in regions engulfed in the fight against terrorism face threats both from the army and terrorist groups depending on the information they disseminate. A journalist in Djibo has already been once threatened by security forces during an interactive radio programme that he was forced to stop. Another reporter at Bandré, a media outlet in Burkina Faso, in an interview indicated that “the media faces a double pressure depending on who it is perceived to be hailing. When broadcasting about the loss of the armed forces at the forefront of the fight against terrorism, they are forced and verbally threatened to stop broadcasting. And during programmes in which journalists speak against terrorists, which they describe as thugs, the terrorists also threaten them.’’ A reporter at etandard.bf, an online media outlet added that in face of such a complex situation, “even the most reckless journalists’’ do not even dare go into those areas for fear of retaliation from either the army or terrorist groups.

3. Limited Access to Information Sources

Aside from the threats against journalists, practitioners living in the red zones of Hauts-Bassins, Boucle du Mouhoun, Nord, Sahel, and Est face serious challenges in accessing sources of information. According to a journalist at etandard.bf “even citizens, who are usually the main sources are scared to share information with journalists as they could be caught by terrorists and face consequences’’. For a reporter at L’Economiste du Faso, “Journalists have over their heads a Sword of Damocles which could fall at any time”.

4. Growing Censorship Among Media Practitioners

The prevailing context of terrorism and ethnic clashes; security threats against journalists and a Harsh legislative environment in the country has given way to an increased practice of self-censorship among media practitioners who must now be careful of the information they share to the public for fear of being subjected to harsh treatment. Cédric Kalissani, journalist at Mutation, a local newspaper indicated that he was once called for questioning by some officials, following an article he wrote on the inconsistencies in the payments the army’s bonuses.

Several journalists in Djibo, a province in northern Burkina Faso particularly hit by the insurgency, reported that since 2016 their radio station “La Voix du Soum” is recorded by officials during news hours and that following a series of threats, reporting on security issues has stopped. A reporter at Lefaso.net, an online media outlet, remarked that “journalists in the so-called red zones almost do not practice journalism anymore’’.

Respective governments in Mali and Niger have also been battling against the hydra of terrorism and throughout 2019, the Media Foundation for West Africa has recorded no violation or developments in the Media Landscape of both countries in its quarterly Freedom of Expression Monitor. Such a situation could highly be attributed to the growing sense of censorship among media practitioners in both countries.

In the face of these rising challenges, it is crucial than ever for stakeholders to take key measures in curbing the rising threat against the media, and position the media as allies in the fight against terrorism and the promotion of peace and democracy. The MFWA therefore calls for more training workshops for the media on conflict-sensitive reporting and peace journalism. This would position the media as an enabler of peace in the country. We also urge the media to be circumspect in their handling of terrorism-related information in order not to instil fear in communities.

The MFWA also calls on the Burkinabe government to consider the media as an ally rather than a threat. One way could be to include the media in its counter-terrorism strategy for public sensitisation against fundamentalism and extremism.

This writeup was produced by Programme Associate, Rachad Bani Samari, assisted by the team

Guinean Authorities Strike Again : Foreign Journalist Assaulted and Deported

Kwaku Asante
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Guinean Authorities Strike Again : Foreign Journalist Assaulted and Deported

The Guinean authorities on March 6, 2020, expelled a French Journalist from the country, a day after he was assaulted by security officers at a demonstration in the capital Conakry.

Thomas Diétrich, reporter for Lemedia TV, was trailed to Nongo a suburb of Conakry, by some police officers who stopped the rider of the motorcycle he had hired. Without giving any reason for their action, the officers picked him and sent him away in their van. It later emerged that the journalist was sent to the airport and deported to France.

“I had gone to Nongo to visit a French friend when the police came to arrest me. I presented my papers which were all in order together with my accreditation which was in order. They brought me to the airport and there I was put in a departure lounge… I don’t even have my effects on me,” Dietrich told a journalist with Africaguinee.com, an online news website.

The media regulatory body, Haute Autorite de la Communication (HAC) said it had withdrawn the journalist’s accreditation for exceeding the limits of his permit, while the Ministry of Security and Civil Protection, also confirmed that Dietrich’s visa had been cancelled for overstepping bounds.

“Mr. Thomas Pierre Dietrich, who arrived on February 05, 2020, had obtained accreditation to cover the legislative elections and the referendum of March 1, 2020. However, it has been noted that instead of limiting himself to the subject of this accreditation, he has been engaging in activities incompatible with his mission and involved himself in internal political activities liable to undermine public order,” a statement by the Ministry said on March 7.

The deportation came a day after Dietrich was assaulted by security forces after they spotted him filming their crackdown on demonstrators.  The journalist later narrated his ordeal in a tweet, saying   that the police hit him on the shoulder, seized his phone and issued death threats against him with a gun pointed at him.

Thomas Dietrich has made enemies among members of Guinea’s government with his critical work. For instance, he authored a report titled “In Guinea, it is not a Revolt, but a Revolution.” In that detailed article, he disclosed the testimony of Madifing Diané, the Governor of the Labé Region, who unwittingly admitted that the police were responsible for killings recorded in that region.

This is the second time Guinean authorities have harassed and prevented correspondents of foreign media from covering the ongoing crisis in the country.

On October 17, 2019, the police in Conakry detained Dakar-based Al Jazeera reporter, Nicolas Haque, and his cameraman Hugo Bogaeert, for several hours. The journalists and their local fixer were arrested when they were filming at the Stade du 28 Septembre (28th September Stadium), so named to commemorate the killing of over 150 anti-government demonstrators by security forces in 2009.

While police alleged that the journalists were “spying and undermining state security,” the media regulator accused them of producing “ethnocentric reports” and, consequently, withdrew their accreditation.

Thomas Dietich and his subsequent expulsion tie into the systematic attacks carried out by the authorities against critical journalists, activists and demonstrators opposed to President Alpha Conde’s attempt to change Guinea’s constitution in order to seek a third mandate. We condemn the treatment meted out to Dietich as a blatant abuse of power and a desperate act aimed at repressing dissent and critical journalism which are essential to the success of a democracy. We encourage the media in Guinea to remain resolute, to demonstrate professionalism and promote the public and national interest, especially in these difficult times.

Two Journalists Fined over Corruption Story, Another Interrogated over Facebook Post

Kwaku Asante
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Two Journalists Fined over Corruption Story, Another Interrogated over Facebook Post

Two journalists have been arrested, arraigned and fined CFA Francs 5 million (about US$ 8,600) each over a publication alleging corruption at the highest level of government, while another journalist has been summoned and interrogated over a Facebook media post.

Cote d’Ivoire’s Public Prosecutor on March 3, 2020, ordered the arrest of Yacouba Gbande director and editor-in-chief of the private newspaper Le Temps and Barthelemy Tehin, also a journalist for the same paper after the publication of the article titled “Fraud at the top, corruption: Côte d’Ivoire, a veritable rogue state!”

The Research Brigade of the National Gendarmerie arrested the two journalists and interrogated them in connection with the article, which alleged various acts of corruption on the part of high-ranking officials in the country.

The journalists were put before a court in Abidjan on the same day and sentenced for “undermining the honor and respect of several members of the government” and a fine of CFA Francs 5 million (US$ 8,600) each.

Many human rights groups have described the quick trial and its outcome as outrageous. The lawyer for the two journalists, Claver N’dri, said the speedy manner of the trial denied him enough time to study the case, while the management of Le Temps say they will appeal the decision.

It was a “travesty of justice.” protested Ousmane Sy Savane, General Manager of the Cyclone group, publisher of Le Temps. “We are going to appeal the decision”

Gbande and Tehin’s ordeal was the first of two violations recorded in Cote d’Ivoire within a period of two days. On March 3, 2020, a journalist working for the privately-owned ATM radio station in Abidjan was summoned and interrogated by the police over a Facebook post that the authorities described as “false.”

Kacou Monique, who is also the secretary general of the National Union of Journalists of Côte d’Ivoire (UNJCI), claimed that there is a shortage of oxygen at the Port-Bouët hospital. She added that the recent death of Bénédicte Goumegou, a journalist, at that facility could be linked to this shortage.

Kacou Monique. Source : Scoopguinee

She was summoned on March 5, 2020, by the police in Port Bouet, a district south of Abidjan, interrogated for about two hours about the publication which they said could cause disaffection for the hospital and its management. She was subsequently released with a caution to avoid posting “false information.”

The MFWA finds the trial of Gbande and Tehin hasty and unwarranted. It is the view of the MFWA that the right of public officials to protect their integrity from wanton attacks is balanced by the duty of the media to scrutinise their actions and report deficits in their conduct or performance. Having opened themselves up to criticism by accepting to be in public office, public officials must, consequently, be more tolerant of scrutiny than private citizens. It is in this light that we find the hasty trial of the two journalists a demonstration of intolerance.

The MFWA recommends settlement options such as rejoinders, apology and retraction and recourse to the mediation mechanisms at the national media regulatory bodies, especially for public figures offended by publications about official work.

We commend the management of Le Temps for standing by their journalists and we fully support their decision to appeal the court’s decision.

We also find the summoning and interrogation of Monique over her Facebook post as an act of intimidation. The hospital authorities have the right to issue a rejoinder to the journalist’s claims about the shortage of oxygen at their facility. The police have no business meddling in this matter.

Nigeria : Security Agents hunt Journalists

Kwaku Asante
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Nigeria : Security Agents hunt Journalists

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) condemns the harassment of Samuel Ogundipe and Musikilu Mojeed, reporter and editor respectively of the Premium Times for publishing a story suggesting a power struggle between President Muhammadu Buhari’s security chiefs.

The two journalists have gone underground since February 29, 2020 after receiving intelligence that the Department of State Service (DSS) is on the hunt to arrest and interrogate them to reveal their sources. The story cited a leaked memo from the National Security Adviser, Babagana Monguno, instructing all service chiefs to stop taking instructions from President Buhari’s Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari.

In a follow-up story, the Premium Times reported the unusual recall of all the senior army officers deployed to the National Security Adviser’s (NSA) office, which the newspaper said was being challenged by the NSA.

Following that story, Samuel Ogundipe’s professional e-mail was reported to have come under relentless hacking attacks. He has been receiving calls from strange numbers to confirm his identity.

Ogundipe and Mojeed have gone into hiding since February 29, 2020 after receiving intelligence that the DSS is on the hunt to arrest and interrogate them to reveal their sources.

On March 1, 2020, agents of the DSS went to the Abuja residence of Mojeed under cover. Local news outlets reported that two men believed to be operatives of the agency claimed to have a message for Mojeed, but the journalist’s wife, sensing danger, refused to open the gate and asked them to leave the information with her. They however left without dropping any message upon finding out that their target was absent.

Another set of security operatives went to Ogundipe’s neighbourhood and parked close to a fence overlooking the reporter’s apartment. The officers waited for hours surveying the apartment.

The International Press Centre, MFWA’s partner organisation in Nigeria has condemned the attempts to arrest the journalists as an act of intimidation aimed at preventing the journalists from revealing the truth.

“Journalists who seek to provide information to the public to promote accountability should never be subjected to any form of harassment”, IPC’s Executive Director, Lanre Arogundade said in a statement.

The MFWA condemns the attacks on the journalists, denounces their harassment and calls on the authorities to protect them as they are simply doing their duty, constitutionally mandated. The MFWA is also urging the management of Premium Times to continue to take all necessary measures to ensure the safety of the journalists and other staff of the newspaper.

MFWA supports Benin-based Banouto Media to improve revenue generation

Kwaku Asante
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MFWA supports Benin-based Banouto Media to improve revenue generation

Banouto Media, an online platform in Benin, has adopted tools and resources towards improving its online presence and online revenue generation. This includes the design of a new business/ marketing strategy and the adoption of a new workflow that will help them continue to publish news, 24 hours a day, seven days a week.

This follows a capacity building support extended to the media organisation by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA). Under the capacity support, the MFWA engaged the services of a digital media consultant who assessed Banouto’s online platforms – such as the website and social media platforms, as well as providing the tools for online revenue generation.

Subsequent to this was an in-situ training where the Consultant worked with Banouto Media for two weeks on improving brand identity; creating digital videos; setting up a digital savvy newsroom and using social media to effectively engage its audience.

“The capacity support from the MFWA allowed us to reflect on our work with an external eye. That was the greatest achievement. We now have tools and resources to develop our company. The workflow we have adopted will also be of great help to us. As a company, our greatest need has been finance and the session with the Consultant has shown us how to raise funds,” said Leonce Gamai, General Manager, Banouto Media.

The MFWA’s Capacity Building Support to media organisations in West Africa forms part of activities under its project “Promoting Free, Quality and Independent Media in West Africa Through Capacity Building and Knowledge Sharing” which is being implemented in Ghana, Benin, Senegal, Liberia and Cote d’Ivoire and with funding support from the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA).

A few more media organisations have been identified for the support. The MFWA has in the past extended the support to Ghana-based Omni Media Limited, operators of Citi FM and Citi TV; and Sierra-Leone-based AYV Media.

Fighting Corruption in West Africa: The Media’s Role  

Kwaku Asante
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Fighting Corruption in West Africa: The Media’s Role  

Transparency International’s recently released Corruption Perceptions Index report for 2019 reveals that an overwhelming number of countries have fallen short on battling corruption. In West Africa, the numbers are even more staggering. Of the 16 countries spanning across the region, Nigeria had the lowest score: a meagre 26 out of 100, and ranked higher than only 28 countries out of the 180 that were included in the analysis. Cape Verde, while scoring highest in West Africa with a 58 out of 100, still failed to rank in the top 40%.

As the World Bank Institute acknowledges in a report, “corruption distorts economic and social development, by engendering wrong choices and by encouraging competition in bribery rather than in the quality and price of goods and services and, all too often, it means that the world’s poorest must pay for the corruption of their own officials and of multinationals’ agents.”

The media, as watchdogs over public spending and enablers of public participation in governance, transparency and accountability, have a crucial role to play in the fight against corruption in the region. But how has the media fared on this crucial area of governance and what have been the obstacles to their crucial role in this endeavor? In this analysis, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) dissects four key factors that challenge the media’s role in fighting corruption.

A new wave of media repression

In the democracies that comprise West Africa, a deep-rooted trend has manifested itself into a harrowing reality: politicians in power are finding new ways to repress journalists from reportage that goes against the governments they lead.

Numerous reports have shown that government resistance to freedom of expression has led to a limited number of reporting in several countries. For instance, in Côte d’Ivoire, investigative journalist, Assale Tiemoko, received death threats after publishing an article on economic malfeasance and corruption within a customs agency. The report further exposed a sector of the country’s government that fraudulently allowed the clearance of luxury vehicles to be imported into the country, which resulted in shortfalls in tax revenues. Though the report led to the arrest and detention of the customs agency’s Managing Director, the journalist began to receive threatening messages including one that read “We are going to shoot you. You cannot escape.”

More recently, in Nigeria, military soldiers stormed the Borno State Secretariat of the National Union of Journalists and arrested Daily Trust reporter, Tunji Omirin, who wrote a story about the insurgence of Boko Haram. The journalist was eventually released, but not before being detained and interrogated for almost three hours.

In 2019, the MFWA collected and analysed violations against journalists

and compiled the findings in a report. By the end of September alone, 37 violations in nine countries were reported, including the death of Ahmed Hussein Suale, a Ghanaian investigative journalist who shot and killed by unknown gunmen in Accra on January 16, 2019. On repeated occasions, the MFWA condemned the unwarranted and disproportionate use of force and assaults by government officials on journalists. Such incidences of attacks, intimidation and repression refrains some media institutions to report critically, which essentially distorts journalists from dealing with issues of corruption.

Economic woes plaguing the region

Media institutions across the region have had to systematically find new ways to fund operations, projects and salaries for the journalists they employ. Financial instability, poor means of communication and inadequate infrastructure continue to pose a threat to the sustainability of these media institutions and increasingly, local newspapers, radio stations and television networks have had to close their doors. The reasons are wide-ranging, including dwindling advertising dollars, which have gone mostly to digital platforms, specifically social media and online publications.

One African journalist confirmed these issues. Simon Allison self-financed a trip where he succumbed to lodge in “flea-ridden hostels” at a refugee camp. On his last day of gathering facts for his report, foreign correspondents from international media outlets flew in and out, filing the story within just two hours. He further explained that a member of the media institution’s team informed him that they paid an exorbitant amount of money to hire a plane for the morning. “To me, this was an unimaginable sum: their morning cost more than four times my entire two weeks in South Sudan.”

Further research reveals that several other confrontations plague many countries on the continent. For example, a joint Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper in conjunction with the University of Oxford reports that in Ethiopia, newspapers must be able to “maintain a bank balance of Br 10,000 (US$1,250) as collateral against any offenses their journalists might commit.” And in Ghana, a once-thriving television station was recently hit with employees calling a strike over unpaid salaries. The station was left “dead” for almost 12 hours as its CEO scrambled to maintain order.

Control the money, control the media

Another challenge media institutions face is financial squeezes in government. In many countries across West Africa, governments control up to 80% of media advertising.  As outlets suffer to maintain economic stability, some senior executives, unfortunately, are swayed to mislead, fabricate or cover-up wrongdoing among corrupt administrations out of fear of losing advertising revenues.

There are four main categories of financial strategies and tactics that authorities use to dominate the media sector: public funding for state-administered media, state advertising, state subsidies and market-disruption measures, according to an analysis written by Marius Dragomir, the Director at the Centre for Media, Data and Society at the Marius Dragomir, the Director at the Centre for Media, Data and Society at Central European University. “The first three types of financial stratagems are in essence forms of direct funding,” Dragomir writes. “The last category encompasses strategies, financial in nature aimed at distorting the market logic, hurting the financial health of unaligned, critical media or bankrolling media that are chummy with governments.”

Do journalists have the capacity?

Reporting on adverse issues involving corruption and other malfeasances in government requires well-informed and meticulous media personnel who can report stories accurately, effectively and without error. As debts within media institutions skyrocket, the funding allocated to properly train journalists has become a practice of the past, leaving far too many journalists uninformed about procurement laws, how to analyze complex government data, how to back claims using reliable sources, and how to report with critical analysis.

However, several non-profit and civic society organizations, including the MFWA,  have been helping in diverse ways to help deals with these issues.  But more needs to be done. Media institutions must be empowered to become efficient on their platforms to enhance training efforts and engagement between citizens and authorities on governance issues.

To be clear, the incapacity for some African journalists to critically report on issues is of little to no fault of their own. What undermines journalists is their inability to receive the proper training from designated media houses that are scrounging for money to keep their businesses afloat.

When those fighting corruption become corrupt themselves

The financial challenges facing the media sector in West Africa trickles down to journalists, some of whom can sometimes be swayed into unethical practices in order to feed themselves and their families. “Brown envelope journalism,” a practice where journalists are paid to write favorably about issues or kill negative ones, has become so deeply entrenched within the media landscape that it has led to erroneous and misleading coverage on a wide array of governance issues.

In one survey, 200 journalists in Ghana’s Brong Ahafo region were questioned to track whether they had ever engaged in brown envelope journalism. The study showed that 74 percent of participants admitted to accepting money and 81 percent said they did not ask for it, but took it anyway. The reasons for accepting the money were widespread, but among them, the three most significant factors were because of poor pay, unpaid salaries and inadequate resources to perform their jobs.

It leads some to question whether some journalists often feel motivated to accurately report on stories. Lack of funding and the means to survive could stifle the integrity of reporting, allowing corruption to run rampant on both sides of media and governance.

How is the MFWA responding?

The MFWA understands that there is a substantial amount of issues that hinder the media’s role in fighting corruption and we have made efforts to curtail these issues.

In the fight against repression, we track daily incidences across the region through our monitoring and reporting on violations of freedom of expression rights in West Africa and have done so for over two decades. We regularly condemn attacks on journalists and have consistently demanded justice and redress for the abuses made towards journalists. In 2015, we partnered with some 155 journalists from over 40 media organisations across Ghana to petition former President John Dramani Mahama to demand sanctions against his staffer, Stan Dodge, who assaulted a journalist and destroyed his recording equipment.

To help with economic hardships that affect the media, we have created initiatives to support journalists in producing critical, independent and high-quality reports on issues of corruption, transparency, accountability, and service delivery in the target countries. The funding opportunity formed part of activities under the MFWA’s project titled “Enhancing Public Participation and Demand for Accountability in Governance through Effective Media and Governance Dialogue Platforms.” The project sought to strengthen the capacity of media organisations in Ghana, Senegal and Burkina Faso to report more effectively on governance, transparency and accountability issues. It also aimed at empowering the media to become efficient platforms for citizens’-authorities’ engagement on governance issues.

We also collaborated with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to fund Ghanaian journalists in supporting quality and thorough reporting that focus on the Sustainable Development Goals.  The project formed part of activities under MFWA’s “Mainstreaming the SDGs in Development Reporting,” which sought to advance public knowledge on the SDGs to ensure inclusive and participatory delivery of the goals in Ghana.

To help build the capacity of journalists in West Africa, we have supported several media institutions in increasing their awareness about institutional and external issues. In Benin, we hired a consultant for Banouto, an online media house based in the city of Cotonou. The consultant assessed the media organization and provided feedback on ways to improve their reporting. Through MFWA’s support, the media house was taught how to properly develop marketing and communication strategies, in addition to learning ways to increase engagement on their website.

In Ghana, we held a series of forums on the recently passed Right to Information (RTI) bill for journalists and Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs) in the Greater Accra, Ashanti, and Northern regions.  The forum sought to increase knowledge and understanding of the law among the MMDCEs as well as to educate them on their obligations. Close to 200 senior journalists across the three regions learned more about their rights and obligations under the law; how it would facilitate their work and how it would make them better citizens’ educators of the law.

For the past three years, we held the West Africa Media Excellence Conference and Awards (WAMECA), an initiative aimed to promote media excellence in the sub-region. The conference brought together close to 300 journalists to reflect on the challenges and changing trends in the areas of free expression, media development and access to information, and to develop strategies in tackling these challenges to promote good governance, regional integration and peace in West Africa. The awards ceremony rewarded and inspired journalism excellence in West Africa as well as honoured West African journalists who have produced compelling works that have had a significant impact on society.

Last but not least, we facilitated a year-long series of multi-stakeholder engagements, which led to the adoption of a framework by the Ghana Police Service to promote relations between the Service and the media, enhancing the safety of journalists and countering impunity for crimes against journalists in Ghana. UNESCO, OSIWA and IFEX provided funding support.

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