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Mali: Military Coup, Transition and Media Freedom Crisis

In the space of 19 days (September 10 – 29, 2020) five violations have been perpetrated against a number journalists and a media house in Mali as the country’s press freedom environment continues to deteriorate amidst the raging political crisis.

The violations ranging from denial of access to information, arrests, threats and physical assault, adds to earlier incidents of serial attacks on press freedom in recent times triggered by a massive anti-government demonstration on July 10, and culminating in a military coup on August 18.

On September 10, Sory Ibra Maiga, a correspondent of Sud FM radio and working for Sahelien.com, was expelled from the Centre International de Conférence de Bamako (CICB) during national debates  on the transition process in Mali from September 10 to 12, 2020. The debates focused on ensuring a smooth transition in Mali, where the military is currently sharing power with a civilian administration that is preparing the country towards the restoration of full constitution order. Maiga was expelled for simply asking the question about the number of law enforcement agents mobilised to secure the venue and participants at the national consultation.

Apart from the journalist’s expulsion, which prevented him from covering the proceedings, many national Malian press organizations expressed concern that the role of the press as an important actor in democratic consolidation was ignored during the national debates on transition.

Eight days later, on September 18, some officers of the Judicial Investigation Brigade (BIJ) arrested and detained Ibrahim Adiawiakoye, editor of the online newspaper Mali Scoop. Adiawiakoye’s offense was  publishing an article on the former Minister of Youth and Sports, Harouna Touré, entitled: “What relationship does Harouna Touré have to the National Council for the Salvation of the People (CNSP)?”,

Adiawiakoye was released the next day following the withdrawal of the defamation complaint by the ex-minister.

Also, on September 18, the military brutalised journalists, preventing them from taking photos during the funeral of former President Moussa Troare.

“Lieutenant Magassi Toukara of the CNSP brutalised us and prevented us from taking pictures, and making life hellish for us”; lamented Idrissa Sangare, Publishing Director of Echos Media.

On September 22, a columnist and radio presenter, Mohamed Youssouf Bathily alias Ras Bath, host of the program ” Grands Dossiers ” on the private radio station Renouveau FM based in Bamako, received death threats from suspected followers of the powerful Muslim cleric, Imam Dicko. In a widely circulated Facebook video, the authors called for the radio station to be ransacked and Ras Bath burnt alive. The threats followed alleged critical remarks against Iman Dicko made by the presenter during one of his shows.

While the media fraternity condemned the threats and expressed solidarity with Ras Bath, it also took exception to what it considered as a possible act of defamation by the presenter.

“This act is considered as a real threat to ethics and professional conduct,” the Union des Radiodiffusions et Télévisions Libres du Mali (URTEL) said with indignation in a statement. 

On September 29, the police arrested Abdourahmane Doucoure, journalist for the bi-weekly La Sirène following the publication of an article entitled: Achoura Tea: the giant has dropped in quality.” Upon the defamation complaint of the importer, Doucoure was brought before a judge in a Magistrate’s Court of Commune II of the District of Bamako on September 30. However, the proceedings were annulled by the court over a procedural irregularity.

The Media Foundation for Africa (MFWA) condemns all the above violations against journalists by law enforcement agencies as an attack on press freedom and as an attempt to intimidate and muzzle the press.

While recalling the role of a free and independent press in democratic transition processes, the MFWA appeals to the leaders of the transition to pay special attention to the press. We condemn the threats on Ras Bath and Renouveau FM and urge the authorities not only to protect the targets but pursue and arrest the authors of the Facebook threat. Also, the MFWA wishes to remind journalists about the need to demonstrate professionalism and respect for ethics in their work.

How Critical Online Journalism, Social Media Activism Became Crimes in Nigeria

On February 13, 2020, Agba Jalingo, the publisher of the online newspaper Cross River Watch, regained tentative freedom after a Federal High Court in Calabar granted him 10 million Naira (about US$ 27, 300) bail. The journalist had spent 174 days in detention after he was arrested and charged with felony and terrorism. The charges, the second of which is under Nigeria’s Cyber Crime Law, related to a story Jalingo published alleging diversion of state funds by the Cross River State government.

The only thing the story had to do with cyberspace is the fact that it was published online. Yet, that was the circumstance that aggravated the publisher’s “crime”. Jalingo’s ordeal is shared by many journalists and activists who have come to realise to their cost how grotesquely elastic Nigeria’s Cyber Crime Law can be. The law adopted in 2015, presumably to secure online security and privacy, to tackle cyber fraud and boost the country’s digital economy, has become notorious for its frequent manipulation by the authorities to silence criticism and dissent online.

Another journalist, Oliver Fejiro, has been battling a five-counts charge of “Cyber Stalking” punishable under the provisions of Section 24 of the CyberCrimes Act 2015. Fejiro’s troubles started in early 2017 after the news website Secret Reporters of which he is the founder and publisher, published a series of stories alleging corruption at Sterling Bank.

The Police arrested Fejiro in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, on March 16, 2017, and flew him to Lagos after an overnight travel by road to Umuahia, Abia State. Fejiro was arraigned before a Federal High Court in Lagos on April 28. The court remanded him until he satisfied bail conditions on May 11, 2017, and the case has since been dragging.  

“The last time I was in court was February 2020. I was scheduled to appear again by May 28, but the COVID-19 saga has made it impossible,” Fejiro said in a recent WhatsApp interaction with MFWA.

On March 24, 2020, over 20 officers of the Department of State Services, (DSS) in Abia State stormed the chambers of a lawyer and human rights activist, Emperor Gabriel Ogbonna and arrested him. The activist had in a Facebook post, alleged that the Governor of Abia State, Okezie Ikpeazu, had gone to a shrine to swear an oath of loyalty and secrecy to his predecessor.

Ogbonna was put before a Magistrate’s Court in Umuahia on cyber terrorism charges on March 26, under Section 27(1) (a) and 18(1) of Nigeria’s CyberCrimes Act. He was subsequently remanded in custody.  Emperor Gabriel Ogbonna was released on a 2 million Naira bail on August 18.

On May 8, four masked men from the Department of State Services (DSS) stormed the home of Saint Mienpamo Onitsha, founder of the news website Naija Live TV and carried him away at gunpoint. Detained at DSS headquarters in the state capital Yenagoa, Onitsha was later informed that his arrest was in relation to his media outlet’s report on the alleged collapse of a COVID-19 isolation centre in Kogi State, a report they claimed to be false. The journalist was released on bail on May 12, 2020, after he apologised for the “erroneous” publication and denied having been kidnapped by the DSS. A day after his release, Onitsha issued a statement giving details of his Gestapo-style arrest and confirming that he was forced to issue the apology over the publication as a condition for his release.  

The DSS again summoned Onitsha on June 4 over the same publication and detained him overnight. On June 5, the security agency arraigned the journalist before a federal court on charges of publishing false news under section 24(1) b of Nigeria’s CyberCrimes Act 2015. The Court granted bail to the journalist pending another hearing in October 2020.

On same June 5, this time, before a Magistrate’s Court in Owerri, Imo State, the DSS arraigned a political activist, Ambrose Nwaogwugwu, on a six-count charge, three of them under the cybercrime law.

Ambrose Nwaogwugwu, who manages the New Media Centre of the Imo State Chapter of the People’s Democratic party (PDP), was arrested by the DSS on May 28, 2020 after he shared a Facebook post allegedly defamatory of Hope Uzodinma, governor of Imo State. The charge sheet, however referred to a series of social media publications by Nwaogwugwu considered to be “false” and “insulting.” He was granted a N500,000 bail on June 22, 2020.

On May 22, 2020, the police in Kwara State arraigned before a Federal High Court in Abuja, the freelance journalist Rotimi Jolayemi, on a single count of causing annoyance, insult and hatred towards Nigeria’s Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, contrary to section 24(1)(b) of the CyberCrimes (Prohibition, Prevention etc) Act 2015.

The charge was in relation to a critical poem about the Minister which the journalist composed and shared on a WhatsApp platform. Jolayemi, went into hiding after picking intelligence that the police were after him over the poem. On May 5, he presented himself at the State Criminal Investigation Department of the Kwara State Police Command to relieve his wife and two other relatives had been arrested more than a week earlier. He was released on bail on June 16.

Section 39 (1) of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution guarantees freedom of expression; “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression. including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.”

Section 39(2) expands this right to cover press freedom by granting the right to establish mass media platforms.  

“Without prejudice to the generality of subsection (I) of this section, every person shall be entitled to own, establish and operate any medium for the dissemination of information.”

To reinforce these rights, the country adopted a Freedom of Information Act in May 2011, to make public records and information freely available to the media and all citizens.

However, on the evidence of the above persecution on journalists using the CyberCrimes Act, one can conclude that the Act as presently interpreted by Nigeria’s criminal justice system threatens to take back the above-stated rights guaranteed by the constitution, with online journalists and social media activists being the biggest victims.

Section 24(b) of the law which has 59 sections is the provision often manipulated to target critical journalists and activists.  The section prescribes a prison term of up to three years or a fine of N7,000,000 for persons who knowingly sends, by means of a computer system, a message that they know to be false, for the purpose of “causing annoyance, inconvenience danger, obstruction, insult, injury, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred, ill will or needless anxiety to another.” 

Yet, the Cybercrime Act 2015 was primarily supposed to have been aimed at protecting vital economic infrastructure from cyberattacks, prevent fraud and fight economic crimes.

“By the early 2000s, Nigeria had risen to notorious fame for the number and prevalence of cybercrimes from its residents,” Nigeria-based internet rights organisation Paradigm Initiative said in a policy brief titled Why Good Intentions May Not Be Enough: The Case of Nigeria’s Cybercrimes Act 2015.

A report by the National Communications Commission (NCC) also outlined some of the main cybercrime concerns in Nigeria. “Cybercrimes such as identity theft, obtaining by false pretense, fraudulent email blasting, cyber-dating scams, cyber blackmailing, piracy, hacking, phishing and spamming became widespread in the country with repercussions in the global landscape.”

It is thus safe to say that the Cybercrime Law 2015 was born out of a resolve to save Nigeria’s image as a hub for the above-mentioned nefarious activities. The collateral damage from its use by state officials and other powerful individuals to persecute critics is therefore too heavy a toll that offsets the benefits of the law. 

The Media Foundation for West Africa MFWA is concerned that the infamous Section 24(b) of the CyberCrimes Act 2015 could undermine the good intentions of the Digital Rights and Freedom Bill (HB.490) which is currently on the floor of the House of Representatives. The bill seeks to guarantee human rights in Nigeria within the context of emerging digital technologies.

The Bill clearly warns that “…concerns about hate speech shall not be abused to discourage citizens from engaging in legitimate democratic debate on matters of general interest” It further urges the courts that “to make a distinction between, on the one hand, genuine and serious incitement to extremism and, on the other hand, the right of individuals (including journalists and politicians) to express their views freely…” (Section 13 (15,16).

With the CyberCrimes Act 2015 experience, these good intentions may well end up as mere paper tiger. It is important therefore, for Nigeria’s criminal justice system to internalise the ideals espoused in the Digital Rights Bill when passed into law and to prioritise the promotion of free expression over the suppression of it to please parochial interests.

Niger’s Elections 2020: Opposition Party Leader Hama Amadou Most Abusive on Radio for the Month of August

Nigeriens will go to the polls in December 2020. Public discourse ahead of the polls is already witnessing use of abusive language by key political party functionaries. The maiden report of the monitoring of language use on radio ahead of the elections has cited the country’s opposition leader, Hama Amadou, as most abusive on Radio for the month of August.

Another key political party functionary cited was Tahirou Guimba of the MODEL MA AIKATA party, a member of the group of non-affiliated political parties.

During the monitoring period of August 17 to 31, 2020, a total of 206 programmes were monitored on 10 selected radio stations broadcasting in the Niamey region. The programmes monitored included news bulletins, political debates, news programmes and current affairs shows aired on 10 radio stations.

In total, 16 indecent expressions were recorded by two individuals. The 16 indecent expressions are made up of Unsubstantiated allegations and Threats. The two individuals who made the indecent expressions featured on the radio programmes as discussants/panelists, and interviewees.

The opposition party, MODEN FA LUMANA, within this period recorded the highest number of indecent expressions (10). This was followed by the MODEL MA AIKATA that is part of the unaffiliated political parties with six (6) indecent expressions.

Leader of the opposition, and chairman of the MODEN FA LUMANA party, Hama Amadou, was cited for ten (10) indecent expressions followed by Tahirou Guimba, President of the MODEL MA AIKATA party, a member of the group of unaffiliated political parties with six (06) indecent expressions.

All ten (10) radio stations monitored recorded indecent expressions. Six out of 10 radio stations: Anfani, Bonferey, Canal3, Dounia, Labari, Niger 24, each recorded two (2) indecent expression while R-M, Sarraounia, Tambara and Ténéré each recorded one (1) indecent expression.

The language monitoring project is implemented in Niger by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) in partnership with its national partner, the Niger Observatory for Media Ethics (ONIMED). The project aims at promoting issues-based campaigning and peaceful elections in the 2020 general elections in Niger. The project is being implemented with funding support from OSIWA.

The full report (in French) can be accessed here.

The Instrument being used for the monitoring of indecent language on radio, is also available here (French version).

For more information about the monitoring report, kindly contact: Tel: +227 96 56 78 63 or send a mail at: [email protected]

Nigeria Marks 60th Independence amidst Crushing Press Freedom Environment

Nigeria, after gaining independence from British colonialists on October 1, 1960 became a victim of military coups, starting from 1966. Between 1966 and 1993, The West African nation was ruled by a series of military juntas. The country was about to experience the beginning of its democratic rule in 1993 when General Ibrahim Babangida, who ruled since 1985, under pressure handed over to Chief Ernest Shonekan as interim president.

But Shonekan’s administration only lasted three months when a coup led by General Sani Abacha resulted in his (Shonekan) government’s overthrow. Abacha died in 1998, and his successor, General Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd) promised a transition to democracy. Accordingly, a new constitution was adopted on May 5, 1999. Elections held later in the year saw former military leader Olusegun Obasanjo elected president of Nigeria.

With the return to democracy, Nigeria was expected to promote press freedom, as enshrined in section 39 (1) of its 1999 constitution and ensure a total departure from the assault on press freedom which characterised the military rule.

However, with violations, including physical assaults on journalists and media houses, the jailing of reporters, as well as the introduction of laws such as social media bill to hamper free expression, Nigeria has yet to demonstrate its willingness to promote the freedom of the press under the democratic rule.

Arrests of Journalists

Agba Jalingo, the publisher of CrossRiverWatch, an online newspaper, was arrested by the police on the orders of the Cross River State government in his Lagos residence on August 22, 2019, for exposing an alleged diversion of $1.4 million (N500 million) by the Cross River State government.

Darlington Edem, the Chairman of the Association of Cross River Online Journalists, stated that Jalingo’s arrest proved that “the media in Cross River State is caged and controlled” and called for the latter’s release. But Jalingo did not regain his freedom until after spending 170 days.

Also, journalist Omoyele Sowore was arrested by the secret police, also known as the Department of State Services, on August 3, 2019 after he published a call for a nationwide protest against bad governance. He was later charged with conspiracy to commit treason and insulting Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari. Sowore would spend over four months in detention before being released on December 24, 2019.

A similar fate befell journalist Jones Abiri, who was locked up for up to two years on terrorism charges before his eventual release.

Unresolved Killings

Nigeria is fast gaining notoriety for its failure to tackle impunity for crimes against journalists including killings. For example, four journalists were killed in separate incidents with no credible inquiry yet to find the culprits and their motive for the fatal attacks. The four were Ikechukwu Onubogu, a cameraman with the Anambra Broadcasting Services, Lawrence Okojie of the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA) in Edo State, Famous Giobaro, a desk editor with Glory FM in Bayelsa State and freelance broadcaster, Abdul Ganiyu Lawal in Ekiti State.

Three more journalists have since been killed under circumstances that have yet to be clarified through any credible investigations. Maxwell Nashan, a journalist with the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), Adamawa State was, on January 15, 2019, found tied and muzzled in a bush with his body hacked at several places. Nashan, who had been abducted from his house the previous day, died on arrival at the hospital.

In the second incident, security forces who were battling Shiite Muslim protesters in Abuja on January 28, shot and killed Alex Ogbu, a journalist with the Regent Africa Times newspaper.

Precious Owolabi of Channels Television  was also shot dead by security forces while covering a demonstration on July 22, 2019.

View of the Experts

The introduction of legislation such as the Terrorism Prevention Amendment Act of 2013, Cybercrime (Prohibition and Prevention) Act of 2015, and Social Media Bill of 2019 (which was later renamed Hate Speech Bill) have also raised concerns that they will be used to restrict freedom of expression.

Dr Farooq Kperogi, a Nigerian associate professor of journalism and emerging media at the School of Communication & Media, Kennesaw State University, Georgia, United States, told the MFWA in an email interview that, attacks on media have particularly intensified in the last five years under President Buhari.

“The news media have particularly come under extreme threats in the last five years. For instance, the Coalition for Whistleblowers Protection and Press Freedom found that in 2019, Nigeria recorded the severest assaults on journalists in 34 years,” Dr. kperogi said. “That means Muhammadu Buhari’s repressive military regime of the mid-1980s was even kinder to the news media than his civilian regime of the past five years has been,” the academic added.

Kperogi – who is the author of ‘Nigeria’s Digital Diaspora: Citizen Media, Democracy, and Participation’ and ‘Glocal English: The Changing Face and Forms of Nigerian English in a Global World’ – says his conclusion is that the media in Nigeria has been caged.

“Conscientious reporters are often attacked, harassed, or jailed; social media critics are ‘disappeared’ or fired from their jobs; and critical, anti-regime broadcast stations are shut down arbitrarily by regulatory bodies, and so on.

But the irony of the history of press freedom in Nigeria is that the news media tend to play the watchdog role ascribed to them during military regimes better than they do during civilian governments. With a few notable exceptions, since 1999, the news media have been either uncharacteristically quiescent or outright complicit in the face of enormous governmental malfeasance.

Another expert, Musa Rafsanjani, the Head of Transparency International in Nigeria and Executive Director of the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, told the MFWA in a telephone interview that despite being in a democracy, press freedom in Nigeria is threatened due to continuous attacks on journalists and media houses.

“The media operates under very difficult conditions – speaking of threats and attacks by the state apparatus on it (media), especially anytime corruption is reported. So many journalists have been physically attacked and their instruments confiscated for exposing injustice and corruption. Press freedom in Nigeria is suffering from state attacks,” Rafsanjani said.

Additionally, Rafsanjani notes that many journalists are unable to do their job conscientiously because the hostile environment in which they operate.  

“Government can’t block leakages in the system and ensure good governance if it doesn’t allow journalists to do their job without fear,” he says, adding, “Journalists must be treated with dignity and respect when carrying out their job. They should not be seen as enemies but as strategic partners in promoting good governance in society.”

For Mr Ayo Sogunro, who is an author, lawyer and scholar at Centre for Human Rights, press freedom in Nigeria has, since the return to civilian rule in 1999, been in a suspended state – somewhere between the ideals of the 1999 constitution and the daily reality of autocratic civilian governments and negative public attitudes to social criticism.

“Certainly, if we contrast the current legal situation against the decades preceding 1999 (when military decrees legally curtailed the freedom of expression and soldiers would often storm media houses, destroying property and arresting staff) then the current legal regime is fairly liberal. Section 39 of the 1999 constitution provides for the freedom of expression, including the freedom to own and operate media to disseminate ideas. This is the ideal.

“In reality, however, Nigerian governments have continued to maintain military-style surveillance of, and antagonism towards critical opinion, particularly in major media platforms. The federal government and state governments have used criminal defamation laws to whittle down the freedom of expression,” Sogunro said.

Matthew Page, an Associate Fellow at Chatham House, London, and co-author of ‘Nigeria: What Everyone Needs to Know,’ however, has a more positive view of the current state of press freedom in Nigeria, compared to the military era.

“The proliferation of vibrant – if not rambunctious – social media feeds, fast-paced WhatsApp groups and countless internet news sites are proof of that (freer press). Nigeria has many world-class journalists doing outstanding work in very difficult conditions,” Page stated. The biggest threats to professional journalism and safety of journalists, according to him, is the phenomenon of using “brown envelop” or coercion to stifle critical journalists.

“Nevertheless, this freedom of expression remains under threat. Brown envelope journalism is rife. Journalists are too often arrested, intimidated, or harmed if their stories embarrass powerful politicians or security agencies.”

To make matters worse, Page bemoans that some former champions of free speech have sold out, spending their days churning out spin and attacking independent voices on behalf of powerful officials.

“This makes assessing press freedom in Nigeria akin to solving a complex equation made up of many constantly changing variables,” he added.

In the light of the above, the MFWA calls on the authorities to do more to promote press freedom and ensure that journalists can safely practise their profession without fear of repercussions.

In particular, the government must take steps to end the arbitrary arrest and detention of journalists by security forces, especially the Department of State Services (DSS).

The authorities should also amend sections of the Cyber Crime Law which are often broadly interpreted to criminalise critical online publications as in the cases of Jalingo, Sowore and Abiri.

Media Ethics: Readers’ Comment Section on Websites Becoming Platforms for Grave Obscenity and Insults

From August 16 to 31, 2020, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) monitored ethical violations on 26 news organisations made up of 10 Akan language radio stations, 10 newspapers and six news websites. A total of 971 pieces of content from the 26 organisations were monitored and analysed out of which 136 ethical violations were recorded.

Pro-partisan radio stations Power FM and Oman FM emerged as the two worst perpetrators of ethical violations recorded 50 and 21 infractions, respectively. The news website Ghanaweb.com followed the pro-partisan partisan radio stations with 20 infractions.

All of the 20 violations that were recorded on Ghanaweb.com were comments of readers published on the news website. These comments which are published on the news website are not only unedited or unscreened by editors as ethically expected but are left at the discretion of the readers who have used the section as a platform to actively engage in sharing obscenities and trading invectives. The insults are either shared on the subject matter of the news items published on the website or at another reader who has shared an opinion on the news.

The practice of leaving the comment section which often appears immediately below the news stories unedited was also noted to be common with Myjoyonline.com which recorded six violations for the period of monitoring.

Over the period of monitoring radio stations were noted to be the worst perpetrators of the media ethics, recording 1o9 out of the 136 violations recorded for the period of monitoring. This was followed by news websites with 27 incidents. Newspapers recorded no ethical violation during the period.

The monitoring of media ethics is part of a project titled: Enhancing Media Professionalism To Inspire Public Confidence and Support for Press Freedom in Ghana being implemented with funding support from the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The objective of the project is to identify and highlight incidents of ethical infractions and draw attention to such breaches as a way of fostering adherence to ethical principles by media organisations.

The full report contains the specific ethical principles violated, the names of the media outlets that committed the violations, among other findings. Click here to access the full report. The instrument being used for the monitoring, which contains the category definitions for tracking and reporting of ethical principles is also available here.

For further clarifications and media interviews, contact the Programme Manager, Abigail Larbi-Odei (0244867047) or Programme Officer, Kwaku Krobea Asante (0249484528).

Ghana: MFWA Trains Information Officers, Coordinating Directors on RTI Law

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) will from October 2020 commence a series of trainings for Information Officers, Public Relation Officers and District Coordinating Directors on Ghana’s Right to Information (RTI) Law (989).

About 122 persons across 56 Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) in the Greater Accra, Ashanti, and Northern regions of the country will participate in the trainings.

Participants will be taken through the different sections of the RTI Law (989), specifically, sections relating to the role of information officers, exemptions, request for information process, appeal process, fees and charges of public institution etc. The trainings will also serve as a platform for knowledge sharing on what is expected of public officials under the law.

To further improve their communication and engagements with their constituents, the Information Officers, Public Relations Officers and District Coordinating Directors will also receive practical skills training on new ways of communication. This include new and traditional media platforms, communication strategies and crafting tailor made messages for the different audience.

Citizens’ access to information, participation in governance, and demand for accountability from duty bearers are guaranteed in the Constitution of Ghana. The RTI Law (989) passed in 2019 is a further enabler of the enjoyment of this right. The law among other things grant citizens the right to request and access information, and also charges public institutions to proactively publish details about their activities. Overall, it is expected to contribute to inclusive governance, transparency and accountability at the local level.

“Information Officers, Public Relation Officers and Coordinating Directors are key functionaries within the local assemblies; We believe that these trainings will equip them to better appreciate the the responsibilities placed on them as public officials under the RTI law and ultimately engender citizens’ access to information on local development issues in the districts” said Ms. Fouzia Tua Alhassan, a Programme Associate at the MFWA.

In 2019, more than 60 District Chief Executives across the Northern, Ashanti and Greater Accra regions were also schooled on the RTI Law. The series of trainings on the RTI Law forms part of activities under the MFWA’s project “Increasing Citizens’ Access to Information and Participation in Local Governance” being implemented in three (3) regions of Ghana with funding support from the German-based organisation, Deutsche Welle Akademie.

Opposition Activist Released after Three Days in Police Custody

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) welcomes the release of whistleblower Bana Ibrahim by the Nigerien authorities and calls for the charges against him to be dropped.

Ibrahim was arrested on September 13 and taken into police custody at the Niamey judicial police following the publication on his Facebook page on September 12, 2020 about public procurement at the Ministry of Justice. He is being prosecuted for “disturbing the public order”.

The activist and militant of the opposition MODENFA LUMANA, was granted bail on September 17, 2020. The case remains pending before the court and investigations are ongoing.

“As part of the citizen surveillance of public spending, we are focusing on public procurement at a Ministry ” wrote Bana Ibrahim as an introduction to his article, which led to his arrest.

The activist posted on the web information about the award of a contract (international call for tender N ° 002/2020 / MJ / SG-DMP-DSP) relating to the construction of various structure of a new prison. It is made up of 12 lots and was temporarily awarded to Indian company Euro World for the sum of 11,544,068,194 FCFA excluding taxes.

 ”It is important to take an independent look at the conditions that governed the allocation of 10 out of 12 lots to the Indian company Euro World (a subsidiary of the Group to which SATGURU belongs, whose reputation for overbilling are known to all in travel ticketing),” Ibrahim wrote.

On his release at the Niamey High Court, Ibrahim, in his first words to journalists, thanked those who supported him, including his political friends. “I was charged and released on bail (…) I take this opportunity to thank everyone who supported me around the world; my friends from civil society as well as my political friends,” he said, adding that he remains determined to fight for transparency in the management of public funds in his country.

This is not the first publication Ibrahim has made exposing alleged cases of corruption in public procurement.

”I have just officially filed a complaint against X [a popular way of raising red flags about corruption in Niger] for embezzlement of public funds with the Niamey public prosecutor’s office in the case of the procurement through sole sourcing by the Ministry of Public Health of 42 artificial respirators from the Société Togolaise STD S. A ,” he posted on his Facebook account on September 3, 2020.

The activist and militant has been the subject of several arrests for his social media posts. On May 28, 2019, Ibrahim was arrested following a publication on social media implicating the President of the Constitutional Court.

Ibrahim’s detention adds to the list of victims of the anti-cybercrime law passed in June 2019 to crack down on libel, false information and other social media posts. Journalists Kaka Touda Mamane, Samira Sabou and Ali Soumana have been arrested following online publications since March 2020.

In light of these abusive conducts (as the government described it during a Cabinet meeting of June 7, 2019), the authorities on the one hand, would be hailing the adoption of the law on cybercrime. On the other hand, these arrests will have confirmed the concerns of journalists, activists and human rights defenders that the law could be used as a pretext to silence critics of the authorities.

The MFWA is concerned about the increasing use of Niger’s cybercrime law 2019 to arrest and detain journalists and activists for critical online publications. The internet and social media in particular is becoming the hub not only of social information and public discourse but also of journalistic publications. The apparent targeting of that space with vague laws is retrogressive, especially for a country that has decriminalised press offenses and passed an access to information law.

Exposing Ghana’s NCA’s Deception and Discrimination in the Closure of Radio Stations

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has reiterated a determination to continue the struggle to access information from the National Communication Authority (NCA) on the closure of radio stations in Ghana.

At a press conference on 23rd September 2020, the Foundation called on all journalists and stakeholders to join the quest to ensure that money does not become a barrier in accessing information which is a fundamental human right.

The Foundation filed an access to information request to the NCA under Article 21(1)(f) of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution and under Ghana’s Right to Information Act, 2019, Act 989 requesting among others the full list of all FM radio stations that were shut down by the NCA following the Authority’s 2017 FM spectrum audit and in line with the 2018 decision of the Electronic Communications Tribunal.

The NCA in response, is requesting a whopping GHC 2000 “as per Section 82 (1) (b) of the Electronic Communications Act, 2008, Act 775, to enable us generate the Search Report.”

Read the full statement here

Abusive Language on Radio in August: NPP’s Wontumi Tops All

The August edition of the Media Foundation for West Africa’s (MFWA) Language monitoring on Radio has cited the Ashanti Regional Chairman of the ruling NPP, Bernard Antwi Boasiako, also known as Chairman Wontumi, as the most abusive individual on radio. Others were Hon. Kennedy Ohene Agyapong, MP for Assin Central and Mugabe Maase, host of Power FM’s Inside Politics. The NPP, and Kumasi-based Wontumi Radio recorded the highest incidents of indecent expressions.

Over the monitoring period (August 1-31), a total of 1,019 radio programmes were monitored on 15 selected radio stations across the country. The programmes included news bulletins, and political/current affairs discussions aired on the 15 radio stations. A total of 99 indecent expressions were recorded by 34 individuals. The 99 indecent expressions are made up of Insulting and Offensive comments; Unsubstantiated allegations; Threats; Provocative remarks; Expressions or Comments promoting Divisiveness. The 34 individuals who made the indecent expressions featured on the radio programmes as hosts, discussants/panelists, interviewees and callers.

The NPP recorded 50 indecent expressions, followed by the NDC with (9), the PPP (3) and the GCPP (2). The Ghana Freedom Party (GFP) and Liberal Party of Ghana (LPG) recorded 1 indecent expression each.

12 out of the 15 radio stations monitored recorded indecent expressions. Kumasi-based Wontumi Radio recorded (34) indecent expressions on its morning show. Accra-based Oman FM recorded (28) indecent expressions on two of its major programmes – Boiling Point (24) and National Agenda (4). Kumasi-based Ashh FM recorded (28) indecent expressions across three programmes – Boiling Point (24), Keynote (3) and National Agenda (1).  Power FM also based in Accra, recorded 14 indecent expressions – all on its afternoon political show titled, Inside Politics.

The Elections Campaign language monitoring project seeks to promote issues-based campaigning and use of decent language/expression before, during and after Ghana’s 2020 elections. The project is also being implemented in Cote d’Ivoire and Niger with funding support from OSIWA.

Details of the full report are available here.

The instrument being used for the monitoring, which contains the category definitions for tracking and reporting of indecent language on radio is also available here.

For further clarifications and media interviews, contact the Programme Manager, Abigail Larbi-Odei (0244867047) or Programme Officer, Kwaku Krobea Asante (0249484528).

 

 

International Day of Democracy: Repressive Laws, Attacks on Journalists Undermine Democracy

Over the years, democracy has been considered as a governance model that upholds respect for human right, freedom of expression, the rule of law, and gives citizen the responsibility to elect their leaders and participate in the governance process.

In ensuring respect for these democratic principles, the media plays a key role by putting in the limelight the ills in the governance process, holding governments accountable, and providing information to citizens so that they can make informed decisions and be part of governance process.

Unfortunately, in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, West Africa has witnessed a setback in democratic practices and violations of key democratic tenets as the region recorded a resurgence of attacks against media practitioners, and violations of human rights. Furthermore, several governments have adopted emergency laws and practices which in normal times would be considered undemocratic.

As the world marks the celebration of the International Day of Democracy under the theme: COVID-19: A spotlight on Democracy, the MFWA shares special report highlighting several violations against journalists during the COVID-19 pandemic in West Africa and urges governments to take steps to ensure the safety of journalists. We further urge governments to scale down restrictive measures as and when the COVID-19 situation improves and to scrap all emergency legislations when no longer necessary.

Click here to read full report.

Public Access to Information: Exposing the Deception by Ghana’s Communications Authority – Part 2

It has been 51 days since the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) formally wrote to the National Communications Authority (NCA) to request for information under Ghana’s Right to Information (RTI) Law.

The requested information has not been received because the NCA is demanding a whopping GHC 2,000 before it releases the requested public information. The Authority says, the amount is to enable it generate what it calls “the Search Report.”  In social media publications, the NCA’s Acting Director of Legal Affairs, Dr. Poku Adusei, said obtaining the requested information will require “research and sweat” on the part of the NCA hence the demand for as much as GHC 2000 by the Authority.

In Part 1 of this series, we restated the information we requested. We then provided initial evidence to show that the NCA’s claim that the information requested required “research and sweat” on its part was far from the truth and reality.

In this second part of the series, we provide additional evidence to further expose why the NCA’s claim that the MFWA’s request required them to do research to obtain the requested information, is a grand deception.

Apart from our request for the list of radio stations the NCA had shut down, our two other requests were about the list of Authorised FM and TV stations (indicating dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals) in the country as of the second quarter of 2020.

As revealed in part one of this series, the NCA has on its website, the list of authorised FM and TV stations in the country as of second quarter 2020. The information provided by the NCA in that data does not, however, include the critical information on dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals of the stations.

The question that arises is, is it the provision of those dates that the NCA says will require research on their part? The available evidence will certainly not support such a position. This is because, published data on the NCA’s website for the same period last year (second quarter 2019) include company names and addresses, dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals of stations, frequencies, location, status and type.

Indeed, the Authority’s published report (on its website) even as of the fourth quarter of 2019, include columns containing the critical information on first dates of authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals. Below is screenshot of the first page of the NCA’s published data for Greater Accra for the last quarter of 2019 with columns for the dates.

In fact, similar published data by the Authority for 2018 and even 2017, as available at this link, all include columns containing the vital information on first dates of authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals of radio stations.

So, as the above data from NCA’s website shows, the Authority has data containing dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals of authorised FM and TV stations as of the end of 2019. So why is the authority saying it will have to engage in research to find the same information as of June 2020 and for which research the MFWA must pay as high as GHC 2,000?

Indeed, if the NCA’s published data for 2020 included information on the dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewal as they had done since 2017, there will not have been the need for us to officially request for the same information. It would have been available on the NCA’s website just as the other reports.

But as can be seen from the screenshot below of one page of the NCA’s 2020 second quarter data, the vital information of dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals have been removed.

 

 

The key questions that arise from the NCA’s claim of having to do research to obtain the information requested are: Is it that the NCA did not record the dates of authorisation for new frequencies it issued between January and June 2020? Or is it that they did not record the dates for authorisation renewals made between January and June 2020?  If the NCA did record those dates, then why would they have to do research to obtain those dates and for which research the MFWA has to pay NCA as much as GHC 2,000?

As we have established, the NCA has all the information we requested for – company names, location, frequencies, operational status, dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals. We did not ask that they should print or make photocopies for us. We did not ask for the information to be put on pen drives or any other formats. We asked for soft copies to be sent via email. So why will the authority be asking the MFWA to pay as high as GHC 2,000 to be given information they already have and to be sent via email?

The other key question to ask is: Why the change? If the NCA has, since 2017, included information on dates of first authorisation and dates of last authorisation renewals, of authorised FM and TV stations in its publications, why did they remove that key information from its report of second quarter 2020? Why the change? Could it be related to our request for the list of radio stations they shut down and the transparency around the shutdown of the stations?

As would be recalled, apart from the list of authorised stations with the authorisation and authorisation dates, our other request is the list of radio stations that the NCA had shut down in the country in line with the spectrum audit exercise. Could that be what will be requiring “research and sweat” on the part of the NCA to produce for which we should be paying the GHC 2,000? We don’t know.

In Part 3 of the series, will respond to these questions and more revelations.

 

COVID-19 Provokes More Attacks on Journalists, Media Houses in West Africa

Ten journalists in six countries in West Africa have suffered physical attacks, threats, detentions or dismissals with three media houses attacked over various incidents related to the COVID-19 epidemic from May-August 2020.

In April, the MFWA reported a series of media repression related to the pandemic recorded between March and April 2020.  Our continued monitoring of the media and the COVID-19 together with our  partner organisations across West Africa shows that the media continues to suffer significant collateral damage in the fight against the pandemic as the following incidents show;

Liberia

On May 7, security officers enforcing the COVID-19 restrictions at the Slip Way Check point in Monrovia, accosted Christopher Walker, a journalist with FrontPageAfrica, who was on his way home from work. Walker produced his professional card and a pass to show that he was a journalist. However, the police rejected it, insisting on a controversial pass approved by the Deputy Minister for Information that purportedly nullifies a previous pass exempting journalists from the COVID-19 lockdown and curfew. The officers assaulted the journalist and detained him.

On May 20, the head of the Liberia Drug Enforcement Agency (LDEA), Jerry Blamo, accused journalist Sunny Blar of breaking the COVID-19 curfew and attacked him. Sunny Blar, who works for the Development Communication Network (DCN) FM 91.3 in Cestos, River Cess County, had come out of the premises of the radio station to buy drinking water just across the street. The officer flogged Blar despite the journalist displaying his press card.

The third and final violation related to the COVID-19 in Liberia occurred on May 23, when Trojan Kaizolu, a journalist with Fabric Radio, was beaten and taken into detention by the police for not wearing a face mask. Deputy Inspector General of Police (IGP) for Operations, Melvin Sackor, ordered his men to flog the journalist who was on his way home from a late night shift. On the orders of the senior officer, the beaten journalist was bundled into a police pickup vehicle and taken to a nearby police station where he was detained.

The Deputy IGP Marvin Sackor later apologised to Trojan Kiazolu after the PUL brokered a mediation between the two parties.

Nigeria

On May 4, a senior editor with IBC Orient FM radio station, Vivian Ottih, made an appeal on Facebook for the payment of salary arrears for workers of the State-owned media outlet, only to get sacked. Salaries of the station’s workers for March and April, 2020 had not been paid because of revenue slumps due to COVID-19.

On June 4: Saint Meinpamo Onitsha of Naija Live TV was detained by Nigeria’s Department of State Services after he reported the collapse of a COVID-19 isolation centre in Kogi State.

On August 3, some four police officers physically assaulted Siriku Obarayese, a correspondent for the privately owned Daily Post newspaper while he was covering the enforcement of COVID-19 restrictions in Oshogbo, Osun State. Obarayese said that Adebayo Adeleke, a local state commissioner, ordered the officers to attack him.

Senegal

Late in the night of May 19, a group of youngsters attacked the Director of Publication of the Wa Grand Place newspaper, Moussa Guèye at Santhiaba in the city of Rufisque. The attack was so sudden and brutal that Gueye did not have the time to explain to the overzealous COVID-19 vigilantes that he was a journalist and not a curfew breaker.

On June 2, a group of people protesting against restrictive COVID-19 measures, attacked the headquarters of RFM Radio based in Mbacké, 198 km from Dakar. The attack resulted in damage to several equipment of the radio station which belongs to the famous singer and former minister, Youssou N’Dour.

On August 3, a group of religious fanatics invaded and vandalised the offices of the Senegalese daily, Les Echos in Dakar, causing extensive damage to property. The attack followed a report by the newspaper that an influential religious leader, Serigne Moustapha Sy, had tested positive for COVID-19 and been admitted at Dakar’s main hospital.

Mauritania

On May 3, the authorities arrested a blogger, Mommeu Ould Bouzouma over a tweet in which he criticised as “erratic” the enforcement of COVID-19 lockdown in the district of Tiris Zemmour. Bouzouma, who is also the correspondent of the news website Alakhbar.info in Zouerate, was released after spending 12 days in detention.

On June 2, the police arrested Salma Mint Tolba, the alleged author of a series of audio recordings questioning aspects of the government’s response to the COVID-19. Notably, she accused the authorities of inflating the number of infections. Two other people, Mohamed Ould Semmane and Sidi Mohamed Ould Beyah, who were suspected to have participated in the dissemination of the audio, were also arrested.

Gambia

On June 21, 2020, the police detained Ebou N. Keita, an editor and camera operator with the privately owned Gambian Talents Television after they spotted him filming their crackdown on protesters. The police were arresting people who were protesting against the country’s COVID-19 restrictions.

Ghana

Emmanuel Ohene Gyan, a reporter of Empire FM in the Western Region of Ghana, received threats from relatives of the Metropolitan Chief Executive (MCE) of Sekondi-Takoradi following his online publication on the COVID-19-related death of the late MCE on June 12, 2020.

Guinea

On June 15, 2020, a group of gendarmes stormed the premises of Radio Kalac FM, broadcasting in Kankan, and shut it down. The radio station was accused of flouting a gag order issued against Karamo Cheick Souleymane Sidibé, an influential preacher whom the authorities had sanctioned for organising a mass a sermon in his house against the COVID-19 protocols.

Meanwhile thirty-two journalists are reported to have tested positive for COVID-19 in Guinea since March 2020. Also, drastic revenue losses have forced media owners to truncate a process of adopting a collective bargaining agreement. The agreement was supposed to guarantee a decent minimum wage, annual leave, professional development, health insurance and study trip and legal aid. However, media owners say the financial losses they have suffered from the COVID-19 makes it impossible to continue the process.

The attacks have the potential to undermine the important role the media is playing in the fight against the COVID-19 in various countries and on the global level. In her solidarity message on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day of May 3, 2020, the Director-General of UNESCO, Audrey Azoulay, underlined the crucial importance of the media during the COVID-19 crisis and cautioned press freedom violations.

“In a world as profoundly interdependent as this crisis has shown ours to be, every threat to, or attack on the diversity of the press, the freedom of the press and the safety of journalists concerns us all. Today, I wish to call for a redoubling of our efforts. At this crucial moment and for our future, we need a free press, and journalists need to be able to count on all of us.”

The MFWA deplores these attacks on journalists and media houses and reiterate our call for greater collaboration between the media and law enforcement agencies enforcing COVID-19 restrictions and protocols. In this regard, we urge the various states to sensitise law enforcement officers on the constitutional guarantees on press freedom and the state’s duty under various international protocols to protect journalists from physical attacks, arbitrary arrests and detentions.

We also urge media owners to train their staff to appreciate and deal with the safety risks associated with reporting on the pandemic, especially when covering operations of security forces involving use of force.

Finally, the MFWA salutes the sacrifices that journalists have made and continue to make in supporting governments’ efforts at fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, despite the many risks and constraints. We encourage them to persevere and continue to innovate in order to survive the myriad safety of journalists and media sustainability challenges posed by the outbreak of the corona virus.