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Accessing Information Sources in Niger Conflict Zones: Journalists Share Experiences

Of the eight regions in Niger, four, namely Tillabery, Tahoua, Diffa and Maradi are affected by insecurity linked to attacks by terrorist groups in Niger, since the invasion by armed groups from northern Mali.

Working as a journalist in this context is a real challenge as mobility and access to information are restricted due to the security measures taken by the government.

The state of emergency that was declared as part of efforts to tackle the security crisis gives special powers to the security forces in their zones of operations. Notable among them is the power to order house searches or decide on the movement of the population in the affected areas. The enforcement of these special powers militates against the research, collection, processing and dissemination of information, especially since the populations are reluctant to express themselves on the security issue out of fear. The fear of offending the defense and security forces and on the other hand, of becoming the target of armed groups who carry out targeted attacks against populations who denounce them.

Quest for information in the context of insecurity

According to Ismael Saloua, an expert on security and media issues, ” journalists must have credible local sources in dangerous areas which they cannot access for security reasons to give them information.” Still according to Saloua “the journalist must have a contact list in the affected regions which can provide him with information if necessary”.

When the journalist decides to go out into the field, he or she must do so under protection or adopt some basic security skills.

For Lawan Boukar, correspondent for DW in Niger, collecting and processing information in a security crisis situation is very complex. “Journalists are faced with problems accessing sources of information. The defense and security forces do not give information. Often, we have to resort to local sources, that is to say information that comes to us from the populations”, Boukar stressed.

Difficulty verifying information

Another difficulty often encountered by journalists working in conflict zones is the confirmation of certain information. After the attacks, the local assessment can sometimes be different from that given by official sources. “I can cite as an example, an attack carried out by Boko Haram in 2018 in Bosso, which resulted in a hundred terrorists being killed and injuries on the side of the defense and security forces, according to local sources. The official statement from the authorities however reported 43 terrorists killed,” recalled journalist L Boukar.

In 2017, after the attack on Karamga Island (an attack that claimed many lives in the national army), ‘‘it took more than 72 hours for the government to establish the death toll. Meanwhile, 24 hours after the attack, we had the toll from local sources, ” he added.

What does it take to report in conflict zones?

Journalists deployed in these areas are sometimes tagged as accomplices of the security forces and, sometimes, as conspiring with armed terrorist groups. You have to be very seasoned and have a lot of patience to work as a journalist in insecure areas.

“In conflict zones, you should never move or be transported by the Defense and Security Forces in search of information; always use private vehicles to travel outside the villages. It is a way of having the confidence of the people,” advises Boukar, the correspondent of the Kalangou studio.

He adds that one must “use anonymity during interviews in order to reassure those being interviewed, especially when one knows that even the population is not immune from the abuses of Boko Haram and other terrorists”.

In addition to this, journalists working on insecurity issues related to terrorist attacks face several cases of denial of information from some authorities.

False Information: Journalists and security forces collaboration

In Niger, despite the difficulties in accessing information sources, the authorities in charge of the defense ministry have shown their readiness to work with all the actors to facilitate the work of the media. Several meetings brought together security forces, civil society and the media to facilitate communication in times of crisis.

These initiatives were aimed at finding a suitable mechanism that could lessen the persistence of attitudes of mistrust. Journalists and the media are seen in this context as active and strategic players.

“Niger and the West African sub-region have been facing multiple security challenges for several years. In this context, the media are strategic players and their role is decisive in handling security information,” noted Ibrahim Harouna, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Maison de la Presse.

However, in the face of a multifaceted security crisis, several obstacles hinder collaboration between the Defense and Security Forces (FDS) and media actors.

“The persistence of attitudes of mistrust between the SDF and media players calls for a reflexion on how to collaborate in order to benefit from the interface and complementarity of the two institutions, so that the population can be informed with professionalism and responsibility on issues of security and defense,” noted Abdoulrazack Idrissa, president of the Association of Journalists for Security and Migration.

To this end, the association recognises the facilitation of exchanges between the Defense and Security Forces (FDS) and media actors as key to finding means of collaboration.

For Abdoulrazack Idrissa, who cites the results of a recent survey, “notable among the factors that make this collaboration difficult is the mutual ignorance of the roles and responsibilities of the actors and the low level of understanding of the factors of insecurity that have become very complex and varied. However, the two players now, more than before, have common issues that they must resolve together: fakes-news and information on social networks”.

Conclusion and recommendations

The Defense Forces are very wary of journalists and the media, who for them are in a rush for information and indulge in sensationalism, just for the scoop. For the security forces, these attitudes are especially detrimental to the efforts of defense and security actors and do not always correspond to their principles and operating rules. Here are some recommendations:

To journalists and the media

  • Prioritize security measures in reporting on conflicts.
  • Make sure you are clearly identified by the security forces when reporting to have the protection of the security forces
  • Deal professionally with the victims of terrorist attacks while preserving the sensitivity of the public and the victims.

To the authorities and security forces

  • Facilitate access to information through the media to get the population informed and enabled to contribute to security efforts.
  • Involve the media in briefings on security measures and public awareness.
  • Set up psychological support units for conflict reporters.

To development partners

  • Continue to support journalists and the media on journalistic capacity building on issues of security and asymmetric conflicts.
  • Support media organizations in the collection, processing and dissemination of information.

 

Be Circumspect, Help De-escalate Growing Tension–MFWA to Ghana Media

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), has observed with deep concern, pieces of inflammatory and inciting content related to the ongoing agitations about the 2020 elections results, that are being published or broadcast by mainstream media. Such contents have included calls for confrontations, incitement to violence, blatant unsubstantiated allegations and other acts that do not bode well for the peace of the country.

So far, the Ghanaian media have played a crucial role in the 2020 electioneering process despite the isolated cases of unprofessional conduct by a few media organisations. Ghanaians have relied on the media for information and education about the electoral process, voting process, collation and declaration of results.

Following the disagreements on the results declared by the Electoral Commission, it is important for all stakeholders, especially the media, to recognise and play the critical roles they must play to maintain the peace of the country. This must be done while recognising the liberties of individuals and groups to use legitimate means to seek redress to concerns and for asserting their rights under the laws of Ghana.

As the main source of information for the people, the media’s role in these critical times of tension is crucial than ever before. Media organisations and journalists need to recognise that their actions and inactions have the greatest potential of contributing to either the peace or instability of the country in these trying times.

Through their actions, the media can either help calm or amplify the tension in the country. We urge the media to act in ways that will ensure the calming of tensions rather than an escalation.

While not encouraging any acts of censorship or self-censorship, we remind the media of their public interest responsibility and the need for them to live up to that responsibility. We further wish to remind the Ghanaian media fraternity of how unprofessional, partisan actions of media organisations and journalists have resulted in violence and ruined peace in some countries.

We, therefore, call on media organisations and journalists in Ghana to help deescalate the growing tension by being very circumspect in what they choose to publish or broadcast and what they allow others to use their platforms to publish or broadcast.  This, the media can do by avoiding the use of and disallowing others from using hate speech, stereotypical comments, inflammatory and provocative remarks, inciting and other indecent expressions and pro-violence language on their networks or in their publications.

Breathe New Life into Freedom of Expression: MFWA Urges New Media Regulator in Mauritania 

Since June 10, 2020, three new people have joined Mauritania’s nine-member media regulatory body, the Haute authorite de la presse et de l’audiovisuel (HAPA). The newcomers include the current President, Houssein Ould Medou, Abdallah Dieng and Mamoudou SY, dean of the print media journalists’ association and former president of the Regroupement de la Presse Mauritanienne (RPM), MFWA’s partner organization in Mauritania.

As the new team settles down to work, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) brings to its attention a number of press freedom and media development issues and recommends that they be given priority attention.

For many analysts of press freedom and expression in Mauritania, the new team will have to roll up its sleeves to restore the institution’s image. This is for the simple reason that, the HAPA is considered rightly or wrongly as an entity used by the Executive as a repressive tool against the media. To change this perception, there are many challenges to be confronted in order to contribute to the promotion of freedom of the media and of expression in Mauritania, which are essential for strengthening democratic principles and the rule of law.

Freedom of the press and expression

Two weeks after Houssein Ould Medou was appointed president of HAPA, Mauritania’s National Assembly approved on June 24 a new law considered repressive and liberticidal for social media networks. The adoption of the new law drew criticism both from opposition parties in parliament and from human rights activists who noted several “ambiguities” and “inaccuracies”. This law, when it comes into force, will impose a prison sentence of three months to five years, with fines of 50,000 Mru ($ 150) to 200,000 Mru ($ 600).

Another issue affecting press freedom is the attempt to intimidate and muzzle the critical media. Despite attempts at mediation, on November 13, 2020, the former foreign minister, Isselkou Ould Izidbich, took journalist Sidi Mohamed Ould Bellameche, Director of the Mourassiloun website, to court. The former minister and ambassador condemned the journalist for publishing an article about his meeting with current President Mohamed Ould Cheikh Ghazouani.

Between January 22 and 26, 2020, blogger Mohamed Ali Ould Abdel Aziz and journalists Abdou Ould Tajeddine and Cheikh Ould Mami were arrested and detained for posting a video on social media criticising President Mohamed Cheikh El Ghazouani and his government. Besides the case of blogger Ould Abdel Aziz and journalists Tajeddine and Mami, many other journalists have been severely harassed, attacked and at times brutalised, arrested and detained while carrying out their duties in Mauritania. For example, on July 15, 2019, Ahmed Ould Wedia, journalist with the private television channel Al-Mourabitoune, was arrested and detained for 12 days. On July 24, 2019, Camara Seydi Moussa, director of publication for the La Nouvelle Expression newspaper was arrested, detained and then released after several days of detention.

The most appalling case of a crackdown on freedom of expression in Mauritania was the controversial imprisonment of Mohamed Ould Mkheitir, who was sentenced to death for blasphemy in January 2014 for a Facebook post. He was not released until July 29, 2019 despite a court ordering his release earlier.

Media and COVID-19

Another incident that triggered a crackdown on freedom of expression is the outbreak of the coronavirus. The COVID-19 pandemic contributed to the crackdown on freedom of expression in the country. On May 3, 2020, blogger Mommeu Ould Bouzouma was arrested and detained for 12 days before being released for tweeting about the pandemic.

On June 2, the police arrested Salma Mint Tolba, the alleged author of a series of audio recordings questioning aspects of the government’s response to the COVID-19. Notably, she had accused the authorities of inflating the number of infections. Two other people, Mohamed Ould Semmane and Sidi Mohamed Ould Beyah, who were suspected to have participated in the dissemination of the audio, were also arrested.

Issue of State Support for the press

Another concern to which the HAPA is expected to pay attention is the distribution of the Public Aid Fund to the private press. In Mauritania, like most West African countries, news organizations are struggling to make ends meet, a situation made worse by the COVID-19 pandemic. The overall budget of MRO 240 million or more than 550,000 Euros of state aid to the press is supposed to represents some reprieve for the press. However, in the opinion of media professionals, this amount does not count much, due to the ’proliferation of newspapers’ and electronic sites. Worse, 30% of this state subsidy goes directly to the Imprimerie Nationale where all the newspapers are printed. This situation also affects the independence of the media to address critical issues of governance and to hold the government to account. For example, between December 2017 and June 2018 the print media was paralysed due to a strike by workers at the national printing press, and shortage of newsprint stocks.

As a result, the newspapers ceased to appear on newsstands, and the government asked Chaab and Horizons, the two public newspapers to publish their content on the internet through the website of the Mauritanian Information Agency (AMI).

Other challenges

In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, state support is insufficient, the viability of the press has shrunk further. Advertisements have reduced to a trickle. In addition to the question of media viability, HAPA will have to deal with the sprawling publications, much of which remains fictitious. It is therefore important to take account of the various publication outlets which really exist in order to rationalise the distribution of the state support funds and improve the media landscape.

Another project which the new HAPA team is expected to pursue with vigour is  Access to Information for the populations in national languages. The Pulaar language newspaper “Fooyre Bamtaare”, the only national language publication, was visited by HAPA and local language coverage was strengthened. In view of the many challenges facing journalists in Mauritania, the role of mediation is a point the new team is also expected to address. This will help avoid unnecessary prosecution of journalists in court, and promote the amicable resolution of disputes. This provision is guaranteed under article 7 of the law establishing the HAPA to contribute “to the non-judicial resolution of conflicts between the media and between the media and the public”. It was illustrated in the case between the former foreign minister; Isselkou Ould Izidbich, and journalist Sidi Mohamed Ould Bellameche, Director of the Mourassiloun site.

Niger’s Election 2020: Provocative Remarks Dominate Political Discourse on Radio for the month of November

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) monitoring of indecent and abusive language on radio in Niger has revealed that during the month of November, provocative remarks were the most used abusive expression by political actors.

Out of 14 indecent expressions recorded for the period, provocative remarks were used 09 times while unsubstantiated allegations were used five (05) times, making a total of 14 indecent expressions in the month of November.

The indecent expressions were recorded following the monitoring of 330 radio programmes across thirteen (13) radio stations broadcasting in the Niger region. The programmes monitored as part of the indecent language monitoring project included news bulletins, political debates, news programmes and current affairs shows aired on the 13 radio stations.

The report revealed that the MODEN FA LUMANA recorded the highest number of indecent expressions (09) followed by the MPN KISHIN Kassa which recorded (02) indecent expressions, PNDS-Tarraya with (01) indecent expression, and two independent officials who recorded one indecent expression each.

Political actors cited in the November language monitoring report include Mr. Hama Amadou, leader of the MODEN FA LUMANA, Malam Sani Maman, General Secretary of the MODEN FA LUMANA, Soumana Sanda, Niamey regional Coordinator of the MODEN FA LUMANA, and Ibrahim Yacouba, flagbearer of the MPN Kishin Kassa.

Out of the 13 radio stations monitored during the period, six (06) recorded the use of indecent expressions. Niger 24 recorded the highest (04) number of indecent expressions followed by Canal3 which recorded (03) indecent expressions, and radio Anfani, Bonferey, Labari which recorded (02) two indecent language each, then Alternative radio which recorded (01) indecent expression.

The language monitoring project is implemented in Niger by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) in partnership with its national partner, the Niger Observatory for Media Ethics (ONIMED). The project aims at promoting issue-based campaigning and peaceful elections in the 2020 general elections in Niger. The project is being implemented with funding support from OSIWA.

The full report (in French) can be accessed here.

The Instrument being used for the monitoring of indecent language on radio, is also available here (French version).

For more information about the monitoring report, kindly contact Ibrahim Moussa, Project Officer at ONIMED, Niger: Tel: +227 96 56 78 63 or send a mail at: [email protected].

Ghana’s Elections 2020: MFWA’s Fact-Check Ghana Partners CODEO, Others to Counter Fake News

The Media Foundation for West Africa’s Fact-Check Ghana platform, is partnering with the Coalition for Domestic Election Observers (CODEO) to fight misinformation and disinformation related to the 2020 elections in Ghana. The partnership also includes two other fact-checking platforms – Dubaawa and GhanaFact.

The fact-checking platforms will among other sources leverage the team of CODEO Observers spread across the country to verify the authenticity of claims which will be rife during and post-election day and publish in real-time to counter fake news.

CODEO is an independent and non-partisan network of civil society groups, faith-based organizations and professional bodies that observe Ghanaian elections.

The MFWA’s Fact-Check Ghana platfrom which started in 2016 has established credibility over the period by fact-checking claims made by government officials and politicians in the lead up to both the 2016 and 2020 elections in Ghana. With the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Fact-Check Ghana worked tirelessly to counter disinformation and misinformation on COVID-19 in the Ghanaian space.

Two members of fact-check Ghana at CODEO information centre

Fact-Check Ghana is a fact-checking project of the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA). It has a dedicated team of experienced journalists and researchers who are supported by programme and administrative staff of the MFWA.

The MFWA is West Africa’s biggest and most influential media development and freedom of expression advocacy organisation with headquarters in Accra Ghana and national partner organisations in all 16 countries of West Africa.

Media and 2020 Elections: NCA Should Not Usurp Powers, Functions of NMC

On Sunday December 6, 2020, the National Communication Authority (NCA) issued a statement captioned: “Directives to TV and Radio Station.” The statement cautions broadcast frequency authorisation holders about the terms of their authorisation and threatens that, “a breach of the law, once established, will compel the NCA to revoke or suspend the licence or authorisation of the radio or TV station on grounds of national security or public interest.”

 The statement further states that: “…the NCA cautions all Authorisation Holders to cease and desist from engaging or participating in activities of any political party as established convention which prohibit political parties from engaging in political activities or campaign 24 hours before the elections due to be held on 7th December 2020.”

While the MFWA supports calls for media organisations to be professional and act in ways that will promote and consolidate the peace of the country, we hasten to caution that let no institution wrongfully ascribe to itself the power to “direct” the media in Ghana on what and how to broadcast.

The matter of what and how the media do their work is guided by professional codes and ethics of the journalistic profession. Individual media organisations also have internal editorial policies that dictate what and how they produce and broadcast. Of course, this does not mean the media are allowed to broadcast just anything without regard to law and order, national security or public interest.

We firmly believe on the basis of regulatory prudence as affirmed by law, that even if there should be a caution or advice to the media at this crucial electioneering period on matters of content, such cautionary note should be coming from the constitutionally mandated, non-partisan, independent, apolitical National Media Commission (NMC) and not the NCA.

Indeed, unlike the NMC, the NCA cannot be said or considered to be an independent body.  The NCA is under the direct and full control of the executive arm of government. As provided for under Sections 6, 16 and 17 of the National Communications Authority Act, 2008, (769), the President of the Ghana appoints the governing Board, the Director General and the Deputy Directors-General of the NCA. Also, as provided for under Section 14(1) of the Act 769: “The Minister may give written directives to the Board on matters of policy and the Board shall comply.” And indeed, one of the functions of the NCA as captured under Section 3(o) of Act 769 is to: ensure the systematic implementation of the policy directives of the Minister.

Given the subservience of the NCA to the Executive, any attempts on its part to appropriate the powers and functions of the independent NMC in the regulation of media is certainly deeply worrying.

We do not underestimate how the media could be used unscrupulously by some people in ways that could undermine national security and the public interest. We are, however, also mindful of how some governments in Africa and around the world have on many occasions arbitrarily shut down critical media organisations under the pretext of national security and public interest concerns.

In choosing to rely on the Electronic Communications Act, 2008, (Act 775), to issue the Directives to TV and radio stations, NCA should also take note of Section 2(9) of the same Act 775, which cautions that: “In pursuit of its mandate, the Authority shall pay particular attention to the provisions of Chapter 12 of the Constitution.”

For the avoidance of doubt, Chapter 12 of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution sets up the independent National Media Commission (NMC) under Article 166.  The constitution mandates the NMC to take all appropriate steps to ensure the highest journalistic standards in the mass media “including investigation, mediation, and settlement of complaints made against or by the press or other mass media.”  The Constitution did not say the NCA will perform this function during elections.

 The same Constitution stipulates that there shall be no censorship in Ghana and further states that editors and publishers shall not be subject to control and interference by government and shall not be harassed or penalized for their editorial opinions and views.

  In order to continue to protect and defend the constitutional guarantees of media freedom, and to also ensure the regulation of the media in a manner consistent with the constitution and the democratic order, the MFWA urges the NMC to fully assert its authority at these critical times and actively perform its functions as the independent media regulator in the country.

 We urge the media to continue to play their critical watchdog role professionally. The media must keep an eye on the electoral process, report wrongs that have the potential to breach national security and public order, and let the public have access to true and accurate information. The media must not seek to please anyone or any group. They must just serve the interest of the public by adhering to the fundamental principles and ethics of the profession.

Issued by the Media Foundation for West Africa

32 Otele Avenue

East Legon

Accra

December 6, 2020.

Ghana’s Election 2020: Unsubstantiated Allegations Dominate Political Discourse Days to Elections

With just a few days to the December 7 presidential and parliamentary elections, the Media Foundation for West Africa’s (MFWA) Language monitoring on radio has shown a high penchant for unsubstantiated allegations by politicians and political party communicators.  The latest report also indicated high incidents of insulting/offensive comments.

Over the monitoring period (November 1- 30), a total of 2,943 radio programmes were monitored on 57 selected radio stations across the country. The programmes monitored included news bulletins, and political/current affairs discussions aired on the 57 radio stations.

A total of 85 indecent expressions were recorded by 43 individuals. The 85 indecent expressions were made up of Unsubstantiated Allegations; Insulting and Offensive Comments; Comments Inciting Violence and Provocative Remarks. The 43 individuals who made the indecent expressions featured on the radio programmes as hosts, discussants/panelists, interviewees, callers and texters.

The governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) recorded the highest number of indecent expressions (41) followed by the major opposition party, National Democratic Congress (NDC) with (13) and the Progressive People’s Party (PPP) recorded two (2) indecent expressions.

Most abusive personalities on radio for the month of November included Bernard Antwi Boasiako, also known as Chairman Wontumi, NPP Ashanti Regional Chairman; Hon. Kennedy Ohene Agyapong, MP for Assin Central; and Hon. Collins Owusu Amankwah, MP for Manhyia North, Nurudeen Abass, NDC Ashanti regional Communication Officer and Don Dallas Williams, NDC Eastern Regional Communications Officer.

18 out of the 57 radio stations monitored recorded indecent expressions. Wontumi Radio located in Kumasi recorded the highest (22) indecent expressions on its morning show. Accra-based Oman FM recorded (12) indecent expressions across two programmes Boiling Point (9), National Agenda (2) and The Dialogue (1).  Ashh FM located in Kumasi recorded (9) indecent expressions as a result picking the from Oman FM. Power FM located in Accra recorded (8) indecent remarks across two programs Inside Politics (5) and Battle Ground (3). Accra FM also recorded (8) abusive expressions across two programmes The Citizen Show (6) and Mid-day /12pm News (2). Fox FM based in Kumasi recorded seven (7) indecent expressions across two programmes eboborba (5) and Morning Drive (2).

The MFWA’s Language monitoring on radio seeks to promote issues-based campaigning and use of decent language/expression before, during and after Ghana’s 2020 elections. In Ghana, the project is being implemented with funding support from the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), and STAR Ghana Foundation with funding from UKAID and EU and USAID through CDD-Ghana.

Details of the full report are available here.

The instrument being used for the monitoring, which contains the category definitions for tracking and reporting of indecent language on radio is also available here. For further clarifications and media interviews, contact the Programme Manager, Abigail Larbi Odei (0244867047) or Programme Officer, Kwaku Krobea Asante (0249484528).

Insurgency, Political Upheaval Exploited to Repress Press Freedom in Mali, Niger

In addition to terrorist threats, the countries of the Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Mali and Niger) face enormous challenges in preserving and strengthening the rule of law and democracy. Notable among these challenges, is securing individual and collective freedoms.

Considered one of the barometers of the rule of law, freedom of expression and of the media is now increasingly being called into question by both political actors and pressure groups. In the context of the Sahel States already plagued by terrorism which in itself limits freedom of the press and expression, this trend is reflected, among other things, in the adoption of laws restricting freedoms, judicial harassment or acts of violence against media professionals and social network activists.

As part of its program to promote press freedom in the Sahel, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has been documenting these cases of violations of freedom of expression and press freedom in these four countries with a view of advocating for the improvement of the legal framework for the exercise of the freedom of media including social network.

This article analyses the cases reported between September and October 2020 in Mali and Niger in three areas.

Forms and manifestations of violations of expression and freedom of the press

In Mali and Niger, media professionals and social media activists are regularly subjected to violence and legal action following posts in mainstream media and on social media. This violence is most often orchestrated by political figures or their relatives, abusing their positions of power to stifle freedom of expression and of the press or by organised or unorganised citizens who want to impose their way of thinking on everyone.

This violence takes many forms. First is physical violence against journalists and social media activists. With regard to this type of violation, one can cite the brutalization of journalists on September 18, 2020 by soldiers (members of the junta in power in Mali between August 18 and September 25, 2020) who prevented them from taking photos during the funeral of former President Moussa Traoré. This incident illustrates the poor regard for the media and highlights the need to grant them a certain freedom of movement during official ceremonies in that country.

Secondly, we can also note the arbitrary arrests of journalists and activists without legal proceedings. These forms of violence were reported in both Mali and Niger. In Mali, the putsch appears to have paved the way for an almost systematic repression of freedom of expression and of the press. Two journalists (Ibrahim Adiawiakoye, Director of publication of the online newspaper Mali Scoop and Abdourahmane Doucouré, journalist for the bi-weekly La Sirène) were arrested by the police upon a simple complaint for defamation lodged by Harouna Toure, ex-Minister for Sports.

Freedom of expression violations can take the form of judicial harassment against activists and journalists. These harassments in the form of arrests and imprisonments relate to crimes that are sometimes fabricated but whose real and unacknowledged objective is to silence journalists and activists from exposing corruption scandals. This is what happened to Nigerien journalist and social media activist, Samira Sabou. She spent 47 days (from June 10 to July 27) in detention for exposing alleged corrupt practices in public procurement of military equipment. She was prosecuted on the basis of the law against cybercrime in Niger, which is now proving to be a real tool of restriction and repression of freedom of expression, particularly on social networks, in the country.

There is also the case of journalist Ali Soumana who was arrested and then released on bail for having published information on the same scandal in July 2020. This judicial harassment also affects human rights defenders and trade unionists. Three of them were arrested and detained in Niger for organizing “an unauthorized demonstration”.

Finally, we have to contend with obstacles to access to information. A case in point is the expulsion from the Center International de Conférence de Bamako of Sory Ibra Maiga, a journalist with Sud FM Radio and Sahelien.com) during the debates on the transition in Mali held from September 10 to 12, 2020.

Still in Mali, radio presenter, Mohamed Youssouf Bathily came under a barrage of threats suspected to have been issued by demonstrators or sympathizers of Imam Dicko, a powerful religious figure whose call for civil disobedience led to the coup d’etat.

Intolerance of divergent opinions, abuse of authority and manipulation of the justice system

All these forms and manifestations of violence have common features in both countries, both in terms of the alleged perpetrators and the motivations. Indeed, this violence is most often the work of political or military authorities (coup-makers and former ministers in Mali, high-ranking army officers in Niger), pressure groups (supporters of Imam Dicko in Mali).

The abuse manifests itself in several ways. Arrests are sometimes made outside legal proceedings on the simple complaint by a politician or at the initiative of the courts and judicial police officers. Most of the arrests of journalists or activists in Mali and Niger fall within this logic of flagrant violations of the rights of those arrested but also of procedures.

There is also the intolerance of diverse opinions. This is evident in the expulsion of a journalist from the Forum des forces vives du Mali sur la transition and threats against a radio columnist and threats against Mohamed Bathily.

The recurrent use of violence against journalists and social media activists clearly shows the real determination of the perpetrators to prevent the free expression of opinions and to muzzle media professionals. It undermines the democratic process by depriving citizens of their constitutional rights to information and contributes to discredit judicial institutions. These practices transform the judicial system into a tool for settling personal scores and above all for silencing the voices denouncing bad governance.

The abusive use of the law on cybercrime in Niger to suppress press freedom and freedom of expression on social networks clearly indicates the intentions of the authors and the justice system, which prefers to shelve certain laws on the press. It is a clear setback for democracy and the rule of law.

Ending the assault on the rule of law

After the legislative advances in the field of press freedom during the 2000s, it can be noted with great concern that some countries are in the process of adopting new laws that are increasingly being used to restrict individual and collective freedoms. Among these are the law on cybercrime in Niger, which has become a pretext for a priori control of media content.

It has therefore become imperative to end this assault on the rule of law. This will necessarily require a strong mobilization of professional media organizations, human rights organizations, technical and financial partners as well as political formations around the urgent need to save democracy. The context of the deterioration of the security situation cannot justify such an erosion of democratic gains.

Through this report, the Media Foundation wants to encourage national networks to begin a process of reflection with a view of initiating structured actions for the preservation and defense of press freedom in the Sahel countries.

To this end, we call on the media and journalists to close ranks, to show more perseverance and respect for ethics. We also call on the judiciary in the countries concerned to vouch for freedoms, including freedom of expression, and to refuse to be used to settle personal scores. The MFWA also calls on law enforcement agencies to assert themselves as a republican force and protector of democratic values including press freedom and freedom of expression.

MFWA Petitions Ghana’s Immigration Authorities over Threats against Editor

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has petitioned the Comptroller General of the Ghana Immigration Service, Kwame Asuah Takyi, over the conduct of an officer of the Service who has been issuing threats against the Editor of one of Ghana’s leading newspapers.

A story published in the November 24, 2020 edition of The Chronicle reported that  Isaac Dzihlornu, an officer of the Immigration Service, has at various times since 2018, issued threats against the paper’s editor, Emmanuel Akli, over a critical publication about him which is the subject of an ongoing defamation suit.

“Don’t be happy because you succeeded in destroying someone’s life. A time will come for you to cry,” reads one of the threats sent by Dzihlornu  via WhatsApp in November 2018.

Akli told MFWA that on January 16, 2019, the day investigative journalist Ahmed Suale was killed by unknown assailants in Accra, the Immigration officer sent him a video announcing Suale’s death, accompanied by the threat; “it will happen soon.”

A recent message from Dzihlornu to Akli on November 20, 2020 read “This is my last message to you. If you don’t publish a retraction of the stupid and useless stories you publish about me in your newspaper latest by Thursday next week, then you will blame yourself forever…”

The MFWA appealed to the Comptroller General of the Ghana Immigration Service to use his good offices to investigate the matter and call Dzihlornu to order.

“While the issue is not directly related to the performance of his official duties, the MFWA still believes that the conduct of Mr. Dzihlornu in this matter is disappointing and unbecoming of a senior officer of the Immigration Service. We therefore appeal to your good offices to take steps to call the officer to order,” the MFWA urged.

Kindly read the petition here.

Ghana’s 2020 Elections: Here are the Champions of Abusive Language on Radio

In the lead up to the December 7 polls, the Media Foundation for West Africa’s (MFWA) Language monitoring on Radio has cited top 10 personalities who have been most abusive on radio for the period August – October 2020.

Over the monitoring period (August – October 2020), a total of 258 abusive expressions were recorded out of 4,841 radio programmes monitored on 40 selected radio stations across the country.

The programmes monitored included news bulletins, and political/current affairs discussions aired on the 40 radio stations. The 258 abusive and indecent expressions recorded were made by 95 individuals. These individuals featured on the programmes monitored as hosts, discussants, interviewees, texters and callers. Sixty-Nine (69) out of the 95 individuals were political party officials, supporters and affiliates. The political party affiliation of the remaining 26 individuals who made abusive remarks could not be established. The top 10 individuals cited for abusive language on radio for the monitoring period are as follows:

 

Regarding political parties, officials of the governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) recorded the highest with 114 expressions; more than twice the number recorded by the major opposition National Democratic Congress (38). Other political parties cited were United Front Party (7); the Progressive People’s Party (5), the Great Consolidated Popular Party (4), the Liberal Party of Ghana (1) and the Ghana Freedom Party (1).

The monitoring also found that in the lead up to the December 7 polls, political discourse and current affairs programmes on radio have been dominated by Insulting and Offensive Comments, Unsubstantiated Allegations, Provocative Remarks, Threats; Divisive comments; Expressions Inciting Violence; and Expressions containing Prejudice and Bigotry.

Twenty-one (21) of the 40 radio stations monitored recorded indecent expressions. Wontumi Radio located in Kumasi recorded the highest (69) indecent expressions on its Morning Show. Accra-based Oman FM followed with (61) indecent expressions across four programmes Boiling Point, National Agenda, The Dialogue and Evening News. Kumasibased Ashh FM recorded 53 incidents while Accra based Power FM recorded 37. Tain FM in Nsawkaw had 21 with Accra FM recording 16 incidents of indecent expressions.

On hosts/moderators of the programmes monitored, Mugabe Maase, host of Accra-based Power FM’s Inside Politics programme, made a highest of 31 indecent expressions. Kwabena Kwakye, host of Oman FM’s Boiling Point programme recorded 13 indecent expressions while Gordon Asare-Bediako, co-host and a regular feature on the Boiling Point programme followed with 10 indecent expressions.

The MFWA’s Language monitoring project seeks to promote issues-based campaigning and use of decent language or expressions before, during and after Ghana’s 2020 elections. The project which also being implemented in Cote d’Ivoire and Niger is with funding support from the Open Society Institute for West Africa (OSIWA) and and STAR Ghana Foundation with funding from UKAID and EU.

Details of the full report is available here.

The instrument being used for the monitoring, which contains the category definitions for tracking and reporting of indecent language on radio is also available here. For further clarifications and media interviews, contact the Programme Manager, Abigail Larbi-Odei (0244867047) or Programme Officer, Kwaku Krobea Asante (0249484528).

Ghana: The Police Must Deal Decisively with Threats Against Editor of The Chronicle

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) condemns the serial threats on Emmanuel Akli, the Editor of The Chronicle, one of Ghana’s leading newspapers, by an immigration officer and urge the Ghana Police Service to act decisively on the issue.

A story in the November 24, 2020 edition of The Chronicle gave a detailed account of how one Isaac Dzihlornu, an officer of the Ghana Immigration Service (GIS) has since 2018 been issuing death threats against the paper’s editor over a publication about him.

According to the newspaper, Dzihlornu, who was stationed at the Kotoka International Airport in Accra, went to court and obtained judgment after complaining about the said publication. The Court in its ruling had ordered the newspaper to publish an apology to the plaintiff. The Management of The Chronicle filed for a stay of execution of the ruling and subsequently began a process to file an appeal, whereupon the plaintiff became irritated and started hounding the Editor with threats.

“Don’t be happy because you succeeded in destroying someone’s life. A time will come for you to cry,” reads one of the threats by Dzihlornu sent to Akli via WhatsApp  on November 18, 2018, according to the newspaper.

The Editor says that on January 16, 2019, the day investigative journalist Ahmed Suale was killed by unknown assailants in Accra, the Immigration officer sent him a video that was circulating on social media about  how Suale was murdered with the threat; “it will happen soon.”

This threat was immediately reported to the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) of the Greater Accra.

Despite the threats being reported to the Police as far back as 2018, the police have failed to act, forcing the editor to petition the then Inspector General of Police David Asante Apeatu.  Dzihlornu was invited to the Regional Police the CID over the threats which he denied in the presence of the petitioner, Akli. There has since been no word from the police after the interrogation ended with a decision that they were going to contact telecommunication company MTN to retrieve the messages Dzihlornu sent to Akli.

The Editor says the immigration officer has continued to issue threats against him, having apparently been encouraged by the lack of action by the police. The latest one sent via WhatsApp on November 20, 2020, read;

“This is my last message to you. If you don’t publish a retraction of the stupid and useless stories you publish about me in your newspaper latest by Thursday next week, then you will blame yourself forever. You are from Anlo and I am also from Anlo. My God in heaven will not count it as a sin for me because I have exercised enough patience. You can act on it or leave it. I will seek for justice with even my last blood. Mark it on the wall.”

Speaking to the MFWA, Akli said he has been utterly disappointed with the casual attitude of the police to what is obviously a serious threat on his life.

However, responding to the MFWA’s enquiry, Superintendent Sheilla Kessie Abayie-Buckman, Director of Public Affairs of the Ghana Police Service, said she has not been apprised of the matter but assured that the Police Service does not take lightly any threat against any person. The Police Spokesperson directed that the journalist should contact the Greater Accra Police Public Relations Officer, and assured that she will herself follow-up on the status of the investigations.

The MFWA shares in the editor’s frustration at the impunity with which Dzihlornu is acting and urges the Ghana Police Service to take immediate action to bring the perpetrator to book. Press freedom is the heartbeat of democracy, and so any attempt to intimidate the media is an attack on democracy and must be fought back in a robust manner.

Ghana is yet to unravel the murder of Ahmed Suale which, alongside other recent violations, has adversely affected Ghana’s press freedom ranking since the country came up tops in Africa in 2018.

Under the UN Action Plan to end Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, states are required not only to take steps to prevent press freedom violations but also to ensure that violations are investigated and the perpetrators punished. We therefore call on the police to respond to threats on The Chronicle Editor’s life with the seriousness that it deserves.

Beaten by Soldiers, Arraigned for Assault; the Sad Case of Sierra Leonean Journalist Fayia Amara Fayia

On November 19, 2020, Fayia Amara Fayia, an investigative journalist with the Standard Times newspaper, appeared in court for the tenth time to respond to charges of assault, disorderly conduct and obstruction of security officer’s duties.

Fayia’s is a sad case of a victim turned accused as he was rather brutalised by military personnel on April 2, 2020, while on COVID-19 coverage duties in Kenema, Sierra Leone. It also underlines the state of impunity for crimes against journalists and the urgent need for legal support for journalists under persecution in connection with their legitimate professional duties.

The journalist had gone to a suspected COVID-19 quarantine facility at Dama Road to report on activities there. However, he and other journalists who had come to seek information on the facility were denied entry. He, therefore, decided to take photos with his phone from a distance. At this point, one Mohamed Sesay, described as the District Council Chairman, ordered him to stop taking the photographs and asked to meet him “in camera.” As Fayia insisted that the Council Chair should engage him in the open, Sesay called one Major Fofanah to deal with him. The soldier lunged into Fayia and grabbed his mobile phone, before calling his colleagues, about nine in number, to subject the journalist to severe beating.

“Soon they started beating beating me with gun butts, kicking and all that. They threw me in a van and took me to the police station,” Fayia later narrated to the MFWA.

The journalist fell unconscious at the police station and was rushed to the Kenema Government Hospital where he was admitted and confined to a wheel chair, still under police custody. Upon his discharge from hospital after four days, Fayia was returned to the police station and detained for three days.

As the media fraternity in Sierra Leone and other press freedom organisations including the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) condemned the attack and called for the culprits to be brought to book, the perpetrators rather struck again with a complaint of assault against their victim.

So seven days after soldiers assaulted Fayia, the police arraigned him before a Magistrate’s Court in Kenema on three counts of assault, disorderly behaviour and obstruction of security officers’ duties. The charges carry a minimum sentence of two years.

Granted bail on medical grounds by Magistrate Edwin on his first appearance in court, the journalist, also a student at Fourah Bay College in Freetown, has had to travel from the capital to Kenema nine more times for sittings followed by adjournments. The journalist has since been almost completely distracted from work.

On August 12, 2020, the Fayia reached out to the MFWA for support for his legal defense. The MFWA after assessing the case, supported the journalist with US$ 1,500 for his legal defence costs.

The support provided by the MFWA forms part of its initiative to promote safety of journalists through support for the legal defense of journalists. Besides the traditional press freedom violations such as physical attacks, threats and arrests, criminal prosecution and civil action against journalists are becoming increasingly common.

Unfortunately, the cost of seeking justice for violations is often beyond the financial means of most journalists, and at the same time, the cost of defending suits is equally prohibitive. This situation tends to dissuade journalists from seeking legal redress for violations of their right, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, exposes them to the risk of imprisonment or crippling fines.

The MFWA’s Support for Legal Defence Fund is, therefore, aimed at supporting journalists in Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone who are arbitrarily arrested, physically attacked or under prosecution for discharging their duties as journalists.

The Fund was set up with funding support from the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ghana. The support for legal defence is part of interventions under the Improving Press Freedom and Safety of Journalists Situation in Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone project which seeks to improve the safety of journalists’ conditions and fight impunity for crimes against journalists in the three countries. Journalists in the three countries can access the support till October 2021.