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Breathe New Life into Freedom of Expression: MFWA Urges New Media Regulator in Mauritania 

Since June 10, 2020, three new people have joined Mauritania’s nine-member media regulatory body, the Haute authorite de la presse et de l’audiovisuel (HAPA). The newcomers include the current President, Houssein Ould Medou, Abdallah Dieng and Mamoudou SY, dean of the print media journalists’ association and former president of the Regroupement de la Presse Mauritanienne (RPM), MFWA’s partner organization in Mauritania.

As the new team settles down to work, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) brings to its attention a number of press freedom and media development issues and recommends that they be given priority attention.

For many analysts of press freedom and expression in Mauritania, the new team will have to roll up its sleeves to restore the institution’s image. This is for the simple reason that, the HAPA is considered rightly or wrongly as an entity used by the Executive as a repressive tool against the media. To change this perception, there are many challenges to be confronted in order to contribute to the promotion of freedom of the media and of expression in Mauritania, which are essential for strengthening democratic principles and the rule of law.

Freedom of the press and expression

Two weeks after Houssein Ould Medou was appointed president of HAPA, Mauritania’s National Assembly approved on June 24 a new law considered repressive and liberticidal for social media networks. The adoption of the new law drew criticism both from opposition parties in parliament and from human rights activists who noted several “ambiguities” and “inaccuracies”. This law, when it comes into force, will impose a prison sentence of three months to five years, with fines of 50,000 Mru ($ 150) to 200,000 Mru ($ 600).

Another issue affecting press freedom is the attempt to intimidate and muzzle the critical media. Despite attempts at mediation, on November 13, 2020, the former foreign minister, Isselkou Ould Izidbich, took journalist Sidi Mohamed Ould Bellameche, Director of the Mourassiloun website, to court. The former minister and ambassador condemned the journalist for publishing an article about his meeting with current President Mohamed Ould Cheikh Ghazouani.

Between January 22 and 26, 2020, blogger Mohamed Ali Ould Abdel Aziz and journalists Abdou Ould Tajeddine and Cheikh Ould Mami were arrested and detained for posting a video on social media criticising President Mohamed Cheikh El Ghazouani and his government. Besides the case of blogger Ould Abdel Aziz and journalists Tajeddine and Mami, many other journalists have been severely harassed, attacked and at times brutalised, arrested and detained while carrying out their duties in Mauritania. For example, on July 15, 2019, Ahmed Ould Wedia, journalist with the private television channel Al-Mourabitoune, was arrested and detained for 12 days. On July 24, 2019, Camara Seydi Moussa, director of publication for the La Nouvelle Expression newspaper was arrested, detained and then released after several days of detention.

The most appalling case of a crackdown on freedom of expression in Mauritania was the controversial imprisonment of Mohamed Ould Mkheitir, who was sentenced to death for blasphemy in January 2014 for a Facebook post. He was not released until July 29, 2019 despite a court ordering his release earlier.

Media and COVID-19

Another incident that triggered a crackdown on freedom of expression is the outbreak of the coronavirus. The COVID-19 pandemic contributed to the crackdown on freedom of expression in the country. On May 3, 2020, blogger Mommeu Ould Bouzouma was arrested and detained for 12 days before being released for tweeting about the pandemic.

On June 2, the police arrested Salma Mint Tolba, the alleged author of a series of audio recordings questioning aspects of the government’s response to the COVID-19. Notably, she had accused the authorities of inflating the number of infections. Two other people, Mohamed Ould Semmane and Sidi Mohamed Ould Beyah, who were suspected to have participated in the dissemination of the audio, were also arrested.

Issue of State Support for the press

Another concern to which the HAPA is expected to pay attention is the distribution of the Public Aid Fund to the private press. In Mauritania, like most West African countries, news organizations are struggling to make ends meet, a situation made worse by the COVID-19 pandemic. The overall budget of MRO 240 million or more than 550,000 Euros of state aid to the press is supposed to represents some reprieve for the press. However, in the opinion of media professionals, this amount does not count much, due to the ’proliferation of newspapers’ and electronic sites. Worse, 30% of this state subsidy goes directly to the Imprimerie Nationale where all the newspapers are printed. This situation also affects the independence of the media to address critical issues of governance and to hold the government to account. For example, between December 2017 and June 2018 the print media was paralysed due to a strike by workers at the national printing press, and shortage of newsprint stocks.

As a result, the newspapers ceased to appear on newsstands, and the government asked Chaab and Horizons, the two public newspapers to publish their content on the internet through the website of the Mauritanian Information Agency (AMI).

Other challenges

In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, state support is insufficient, the viability of the press has shrunk further. Advertisements have reduced to a trickle. In addition to the question of media viability, HAPA will have to deal with the sprawling publications, much of which remains fictitious. It is therefore important to take account of the various publication outlets which really exist in order to rationalise the distribution of the state support funds and improve the media landscape.

Another project which the new HAPA team is expected to pursue with vigour is  Access to Information for the populations in national languages. The Pulaar language newspaper “Fooyre Bamtaare”, the only national language publication, was visited by HAPA and local language coverage was strengthened. In view of the many challenges facing journalists in Mauritania, the role of mediation is a point the new team is also expected to address. This will help avoid unnecessary prosecution of journalists in court, and promote the amicable resolution of disputes. This provision is guaranteed under article 7 of the law establishing the HAPA to contribute “to the non-judicial resolution of conflicts between the media and between the media and the public”. It was illustrated in the case between the former foreign minister; Isselkou Ould Izidbich, and journalist Sidi Mohamed Ould Bellameche, Director of the Mourassiloun site.

Niger’s Election 2020: Provocative Remarks Dominate Political Discourse on Radio for the month of November

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) monitoring of indecent and abusive language on radio in Niger has revealed that during the month of November, provocative remarks were the most used abusive expression by political actors.

Out of 14 indecent expressions recorded for the period, provocative remarks were used 09 times while unsubstantiated allegations were used five (05) times, making a total of 14 indecent expressions in the month of November.

The indecent expressions were recorded following the monitoring of 330 radio programmes across thirteen (13) radio stations broadcasting in the Niger region. The programmes monitored as part of the indecent language monitoring project included news bulletins, political debates, news programmes and current affairs shows aired on the 13 radio stations.

The report revealed that the MODEN FA LUMANA recorded the highest number of indecent expressions (09) followed by the MPN KISHIN Kassa which recorded (02) indecent expressions, PNDS-Tarraya with (01) indecent expression, and two independent officials who recorded one indecent expression each.

Political actors cited in the November language monitoring report include Mr. Hama Amadou, leader of the MODEN FA LUMANA, Malam Sani Maman, General Secretary of the MODEN FA LUMANA, Soumana Sanda, Niamey regional Coordinator of the MODEN FA LUMANA, and Ibrahim Yacouba, flagbearer of the MPN Kishin Kassa.

Out of the 13 radio stations monitored during the period, six (06) recorded the use of indecent expressions. Niger 24 recorded the highest (04) number of indecent expressions followed by Canal3 which recorded (03) indecent expressions, and radio Anfani, Bonferey, Labari which recorded (02) two indecent language each, then Alternative radio which recorded (01) indecent expression.

The language monitoring project is implemented in Niger by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) in partnership with its national partner, the Niger Observatory for Media Ethics (ONIMED). The project aims at promoting issue-based campaigning and peaceful elections in the 2020 general elections in Niger. The project is being implemented with funding support from OSIWA.

The full report (in French) can be accessed here.

The Instrument being used for the monitoring of indecent language on radio, is also available here (French version).

For more information about the monitoring report, kindly contact Ibrahim Moussa, Project Officer at ONIMED, Niger: Tel: +227 96 56 78 63 or send a mail at: [email protected].

Ghana’s Elections 2020: MFWA’s Fact-Check Ghana Partners CODEO, Others to Counter Fake News

The Media Foundation for West Africa’s Fact-Check Ghana platform, is partnering with the Coalition for Domestic Election Observers (CODEO) to fight misinformation and disinformation related to the 2020 elections in Ghana. The partnership also includes two other fact-checking platforms – Dubaawa and GhanaFact.

The fact-checking platforms will among other sources leverage the team of CODEO Observers spread across the country to verify the authenticity of claims which will be rife during and post-election day and publish in real-time to counter fake news.

CODEO is an independent and non-partisan network of civil society groups, faith-based organizations and professional bodies that observe Ghanaian elections.

The MFWA’s Fact-Check Ghana platfrom which started in 2016 has established credibility over the period by fact-checking claims made by government officials and politicians in the lead up to both the 2016 and 2020 elections in Ghana. With the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Fact-Check Ghana worked tirelessly to counter disinformation and misinformation on COVID-19 in the Ghanaian space.

Two members of fact-check Ghana at CODEO information centre

Fact-Check Ghana is a fact-checking project of the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA). It has a dedicated team of experienced journalists and researchers who are supported by programme and administrative staff of the MFWA.

The MFWA is West Africa’s biggest and most influential media development and freedom of expression advocacy organisation with headquarters in Accra Ghana and national partner organisations in all 16 countries of West Africa.

Media and 2020 Elections: NCA Should Not Usurp Powers, Functions of NMC

On Sunday December 6, 2020, the National Communication Authority (NCA) issued a statement captioned: “Directives to TV and Radio Station.” The statement cautions broadcast frequency authorisation holders about the terms of their authorisation and threatens that, “a breach of the law, once established, will compel the NCA to revoke or suspend the licence or authorisation of the radio or TV station on grounds of national security or public interest.”

 The statement further states that: “…the NCA cautions all Authorisation Holders to cease and desist from engaging or participating in activities of any political party as established convention which prohibit political parties from engaging in political activities or campaign 24 hours before the elections due to be held on 7th December 2020.”

While the MFWA supports calls for media organisations to be professional and act in ways that will promote and consolidate the peace of the country, we hasten to caution that let no institution wrongfully ascribe to itself the power to “direct” the media in Ghana on what and how to broadcast.

The matter of what and how the media do their work is guided by professional codes and ethics of the journalistic profession. Individual media organisations also have internal editorial policies that dictate what and how they produce and broadcast. Of course, this does not mean the media are allowed to broadcast just anything without regard to law and order, national security or public interest.

We firmly believe on the basis of regulatory prudence as affirmed by law, that even if there should be a caution or advice to the media at this crucial electioneering period on matters of content, such cautionary note should be coming from the constitutionally mandated, non-partisan, independent, apolitical National Media Commission (NMC) and not the NCA.

Indeed, unlike the NMC, the NCA cannot be said or considered to be an independent body.  The NCA is under the direct and full control of the executive arm of government. As provided for under Sections 6, 16 and 17 of the National Communications Authority Act, 2008, (769), the President of the Ghana appoints the governing Board, the Director General and the Deputy Directors-General of the NCA. Also, as provided for under Section 14(1) of the Act 769: “The Minister may give written directives to the Board on matters of policy and the Board shall comply.” And indeed, one of the functions of the NCA as captured under Section 3(o) of Act 769 is to: ensure the systematic implementation of the policy directives of the Minister.

Given the subservience of the NCA to the Executive, any attempts on its part to appropriate the powers and functions of the independent NMC in the regulation of media is certainly deeply worrying.

We do not underestimate how the media could be used unscrupulously by some people in ways that could undermine national security and the public interest. We are, however, also mindful of how some governments in Africa and around the world have on many occasions arbitrarily shut down critical media organisations under the pretext of national security and public interest concerns.

In choosing to rely on the Electronic Communications Act, 2008, (Act 775), to issue the Directives to TV and radio stations, NCA should also take note of Section 2(9) of the same Act 775, which cautions that: “In pursuit of its mandate, the Authority shall pay particular attention to the provisions of Chapter 12 of the Constitution.”

For the avoidance of doubt, Chapter 12 of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution sets up the independent National Media Commission (NMC) under Article 166.  The constitution mandates the NMC to take all appropriate steps to ensure the highest journalistic standards in the mass media “including investigation, mediation, and settlement of complaints made against or by the press or other mass media.”  The Constitution did not say the NCA will perform this function during elections.

 The same Constitution stipulates that there shall be no censorship in Ghana and further states that editors and publishers shall not be subject to control and interference by government and shall not be harassed or penalized for their editorial opinions and views.

  In order to continue to protect and defend the constitutional guarantees of media freedom, and to also ensure the regulation of the media in a manner consistent with the constitution and the democratic order, the MFWA urges the NMC to fully assert its authority at these critical times and actively perform its functions as the independent media regulator in the country.

 We urge the media to continue to play their critical watchdog role professionally. The media must keep an eye on the electoral process, report wrongs that have the potential to breach national security and public order, and let the public have access to true and accurate information. The media must not seek to please anyone or any group. They must just serve the interest of the public by adhering to the fundamental principles and ethics of the profession.

Issued by the Media Foundation for West Africa

32 Otele Avenue

East Legon

Accra

December 6, 2020.

Ghana’s Election 2020: Unsubstantiated Allegations Dominate Political Discourse Days to Elections

With just a few days to the December 7 presidential and parliamentary elections, the Media Foundation for West Africa’s (MFWA) Language monitoring on radio has shown a high penchant for unsubstantiated allegations by politicians and political party communicators.  The latest report also indicated high incidents of insulting/offensive comments.

Over the monitoring period (November 1- 30), a total of 2,943 radio programmes were monitored on 57 selected radio stations across the country. The programmes monitored included news bulletins, and political/current affairs discussions aired on the 57 radio stations.

A total of 85 indecent expressions were recorded by 43 individuals. The 85 indecent expressions were made up of Unsubstantiated Allegations; Insulting and Offensive Comments; Comments Inciting Violence and Provocative Remarks. The 43 individuals who made the indecent expressions featured on the radio programmes as hosts, discussants/panelists, interviewees, callers and texters.

The governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) recorded the highest number of indecent expressions (41) followed by the major opposition party, National Democratic Congress (NDC) with (13) and the Progressive People’s Party (PPP) recorded two (2) indecent expressions.

Most abusive personalities on radio for the month of November included Bernard Antwi Boasiako, also known as Chairman Wontumi, NPP Ashanti Regional Chairman; Hon. Kennedy Ohene Agyapong, MP for Assin Central; and Hon. Collins Owusu Amankwah, MP for Manhyia North, Nurudeen Abass, NDC Ashanti regional Communication Officer and Don Dallas Williams, NDC Eastern Regional Communications Officer.

18 out of the 57 radio stations monitored recorded indecent expressions. Wontumi Radio located in Kumasi recorded the highest (22) indecent expressions on its morning show. Accra-based Oman FM recorded (12) indecent expressions across two programmes Boiling Point (9), National Agenda (2) and The Dialogue (1).  Ashh FM located in Kumasi recorded (9) indecent expressions as a result picking the from Oman FM. Power FM located in Accra recorded (8) indecent remarks across two programs Inside Politics (5) and Battle Ground (3). Accra FM also recorded (8) abusive expressions across two programmes The Citizen Show (6) and Mid-day /12pm News (2). Fox FM based in Kumasi recorded seven (7) indecent expressions across two programmes eboborba (5) and Morning Drive (2).

The MFWA’s Language monitoring on radio seeks to promote issues-based campaigning and use of decent language/expression before, during and after Ghana’s 2020 elections. In Ghana, the project is being implemented with funding support from the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), and STAR Ghana Foundation with funding from UKAID and EU and USAID through CDD-Ghana.

Details of the full report are available here.

The instrument being used for the monitoring, which contains the category definitions for tracking and reporting of indecent language on radio is also available here. For further clarifications and media interviews, contact the Programme Manager, Abigail Larbi Odei (0244867047) or Programme Officer, Kwaku Krobea Asante (0249484528).

Insurgency, Political Upheaval Exploited to Repress Press Freedom in Mali, Niger

In addition to terrorist threats, the countries of the Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Mali and Niger) face enormous challenges in preserving and strengthening the rule of law and democracy. Notable among these challenges, is securing individual and collective freedoms.

Considered one of the barometers of the rule of law, freedom of expression and of the media is now increasingly being called into question by both political actors and pressure groups. In the context of the Sahel States already plagued by terrorism which in itself limits freedom of the press and expression, this trend is reflected, among other things, in the adoption of laws restricting freedoms, judicial harassment or acts of violence against media professionals and social network activists.

As part of its program to promote press freedom in the Sahel, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has been documenting these cases of violations of freedom of expression and press freedom in these four countries with a view of advocating for the improvement of the legal framework for the exercise of the freedom of media including social network.

This article analyses the cases reported between September and October 2020 in Mali and Niger in three areas.

Forms and manifestations of violations of expression and freedom of the press

In Mali and Niger, media professionals and social media activists are regularly subjected to violence and legal action following posts in mainstream media and on social media. This violence is most often orchestrated by political figures or their relatives, abusing their positions of power to stifle freedom of expression and of the press or by organised or unorganised citizens who want to impose their way of thinking on everyone.

This violence takes many forms. First is physical violence against journalists and social media activists. With regard to this type of violation, one can cite the brutalization of journalists on September 18, 2020 by soldiers (members of the junta in power in Mali between August 18 and September 25, 2020) who prevented them from taking photos during the funeral of former President Moussa Traoré. This incident illustrates the poor regard for the media and highlights the need to grant them a certain freedom of movement during official ceremonies in that country.

Secondly, we can also note the arbitrary arrests of journalists and activists without legal proceedings. These forms of violence were reported in both Mali and Niger. In Mali, the putsch appears to have paved the way for an almost systematic repression of freedom of expression and of the press. Two journalists (Ibrahim Adiawiakoye, Director of publication of the online newspaper Mali Scoop and Abdourahmane Doucouré, journalist for the bi-weekly La Sirène) were arrested by the police upon a simple complaint for defamation lodged by Harouna Toure, ex-Minister for Sports.

Freedom of expression violations can take the form of judicial harassment against activists and journalists. These harassments in the form of arrests and imprisonments relate to crimes that are sometimes fabricated but whose real and unacknowledged objective is to silence journalists and activists from exposing corruption scandals. This is what happened to Nigerien journalist and social media activist, Samira Sabou. She spent 47 days (from June 10 to July 27) in detention for exposing alleged corrupt practices in public procurement of military equipment. She was prosecuted on the basis of the law against cybercrime in Niger, which is now proving to be a real tool of restriction and repression of freedom of expression, particularly on social networks, in the country.

There is also the case of journalist Ali Soumana who was arrested and then released on bail for having published information on the same scandal in July 2020. This judicial harassment also affects human rights defenders and trade unionists. Three of them were arrested and detained in Niger for organizing “an unauthorized demonstration”.

Finally, we have to contend with obstacles to access to information. A case in point is the expulsion from the Center International de Conférence de Bamako of Sory Ibra Maiga, a journalist with Sud FM Radio and Sahelien.com) during the debates on the transition in Mali held from September 10 to 12, 2020.

Still in Mali, radio presenter, Mohamed Youssouf Bathily came under a barrage of threats suspected to have been issued by demonstrators or sympathizers of Imam Dicko, a powerful religious figure whose call for civil disobedience led to the coup d’etat.

Intolerance of divergent opinions, abuse of authority and manipulation of the justice system

All these forms and manifestations of violence have common features in both countries, both in terms of the alleged perpetrators and the motivations. Indeed, this violence is most often the work of political or military authorities (coup-makers and former ministers in Mali, high-ranking army officers in Niger), pressure groups (supporters of Imam Dicko in Mali).

The abuse manifests itself in several ways. Arrests are sometimes made outside legal proceedings on the simple complaint by a politician or at the initiative of the courts and judicial police officers. Most of the arrests of journalists or activists in Mali and Niger fall within this logic of flagrant violations of the rights of those arrested but also of procedures.

There is also the intolerance of diverse opinions. This is evident in the expulsion of a journalist from the Forum des forces vives du Mali sur la transition and threats against a radio columnist and threats against Mohamed Bathily.

The recurrent use of violence against journalists and social media activists clearly shows the real determination of the perpetrators to prevent the free expression of opinions and to muzzle media professionals. It undermines the democratic process by depriving citizens of their constitutional rights to information and contributes to discredit judicial institutions. These practices transform the judicial system into a tool for settling personal scores and above all for silencing the voices denouncing bad governance.

The abusive use of the law on cybercrime in Niger to suppress press freedom and freedom of expression on social networks clearly indicates the intentions of the authors and the justice system, which prefers to shelve certain laws on the press. It is a clear setback for democracy and the rule of law.

Ending the assault on the rule of law

After the legislative advances in the field of press freedom during the 2000s, it can be noted with great concern that some countries are in the process of adopting new laws that are increasingly being used to restrict individual and collective freedoms. Among these are the law on cybercrime in Niger, which has become a pretext for a priori control of media content.

It has therefore become imperative to end this assault on the rule of law. This will necessarily require a strong mobilization of professional media organizations, human rights organizations, technical and financial partners as well as political formations around the urgent need to save democracy. The context of the deterioration of the security situation cannot justify such an erosion of democratic gains.

Through this report, the Media Foundation wants to encourage national networks to begin a process of reflection with a view of initiating structured actions for the preservation and defense of press freedom in the Sahel countries.

To this end, we call on the media and journalists to close ranks, to show more perseverance and respect for ethics. We also call on the judiciary in the countries concerned to vouch for freedoms, including freedom of expression, and to refuse to be used to settle personal scores. The MFWA also calls on law enforcement agencies to assert themselves as a republican force and protector of democratic values including press freedom and freedom of expression.

MFWA Petitions Ghana’s Immigration Authorities over Threats against Editor

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has petitioned the Comptroller General of the Ghana Immigration Service, Kwame Asuah Takyi, over the conduct of an officer of the Service who has been issuing threats against the Editor of one of Ghana’s leading newspapers.

A story published in the November 24, 2020 edition of The Chronicle reported that  Isaac Dzihlornu, an officer of the Immigration Service, has at various times since 2018, issued threats against the paper’s editor, Emmanuel Akli, over a critical publication about him which is the subject of an ongoing defamation suit.

“Don’t be happy because you succeeded in destroying someone’s life. A time will come for you to cry,” reads one of the threats sent by Dzihlornu  via WhatsApp in November 2018.

Akli told MFWA that on January 16, 2019, the day investigative journalist Ahmed Suale was killed by unknown assailants in Accra, the Immigration officer sent him a video announcing Suale’s death, accompanied by the threat; “it will happen soon.”

A recent message from Dzihlornu to Akli on November 20, 2020 read “This is my last message to you. If you don’t publish a retraction of the stupid and useless stories you publish about me in your newspaper latest by Thursday next week, then you will blame yourself forever…”

The MFWA appealed to the Comptroller General of the Ghana Immigration Service to use his good offices to investigate the matter and call Dzihlornu to order.

“While the issue is not directly related to the performance of his official duties, the MFWA still believes that the conduct of Mr. Dzihlornu in this matter is disappointing and unbecoming of a senior officer of the Immigration Service. We therefore appeal to your good offices to take steps to call the officer to order,” the MFWA urged.

Kindly read the petition here.

Ghana’s 2020 Elections: Here are the Champions of Abusive Language on Radio

In the lead up to the December 7 polls, the Media Foundation for West Africa’s (MFWA) Language monitoring on Radio has cited top 10 personalities who have been most abusive on radio for the period August – October 2020.

Over the monitoring period (August – October 2020), a total of 258 abusive expressions were recorded out of 4,841 radio programmes monitored on 40 selected radio stations across the country.

The programmes monitored included news bulletins, and political/current affairs discussions aired on the 40 radio stations. The 258 abusive and indecent expressions recorded were made by 95 individuals. These individuals featured on the programmes monitored as hosts, discussants, interviewees, texters and callers. Sixty-Nine (69) out of the 95 individuals were political party officials, supporters and affiliates. The political party affiliation of the remaining 26 individuals who made abusive remarks could not be established. The top 10 individuals cited for abusive language on radio for the monitoring period are as follows:

 

Regarding political parties, officials of the governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) recorded the highest with 114 expressions; more than twice the number recorded by the major opposition National Democratic Congress (38). Other political parties cited were United Front Party (7); the Progressive People’s Party (5), the Great Consolidated Popular Party (4), the Liberal Party of Ghana (1) and the Ghana Freedom Party (1).

The monitoring also found that in the lead up to the December 7 polls, political discourse and current affairs programmes on radio have been dominated by Insulting and Offensive Comments, Unsubstantiated Allegations, Provocative Remarks, Threats; Divisive comments; Expressions Inciting Violence; and Expressions containing Prejudice and Bigotry.

Twenty-one (21) of the 40 radio stations monitored recorded indecent expressions. Wontumi Radio located in Kumasi recorded the highest (69) indecent expressions on its Morning Show. Accra-based Oman FM followed with (61) indecent expressions across four programmes Boiling Point, National Agenda, The Dialogue and Evening News. Kumasibased Ashh FM recorded 53 incidents while Accra based Power FM recorded 37. Tain FM in Nsawkaw had 21 with Accra FM recording 16 incidents of indecent expressions.

On hosts/moderators of the programmes monitored, Mugabe Maase, host of Accra-based Power FM’s Inside Politics programme, made a highest of 31 indecent expressions. Kwabena Kwakye, host of Oman FM’s Boiling Point programme recorded 13 indecent expressions while Gordon Asare-Bediako, co-host and a regular feature on the Boiling Point programme followed with 10 indecent expressions.

The MFWA’s Language monitoring project seeks to promote issues-based campaigning and use of decent language or expressions before, during and after Ghana’s 2020 elections. The project which also being implemented in Cote d’Ivoire and Niger is with funding support from the Open Society Institute for West Africa (OSIWA) and and STAR Ghana Foundation with funding from UKAID and EU.

Details of the full report is available here.

The instrument being used for the monitoring, which contains the category definitions for tracking and reporting of indecent language on radio is also available here. For further clarifications and media interviews, contact the Programme Manager, Abigail Larbi-Odei (0244867047) or Programme Officer, Kwaku Krobea Asante (0249484528).

Ghana: The Police Must Deal Decisively with Threats Against Editor of The Chronicle

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) condemns the serial threats on Emmanuel Akli, the Editor of The Chronicle, one of Ghana’s leading newspapers, by an immigration officer and urge the Ghana Police Service to act decisively on the issue.

A story in the November 24, 2020 edition of The Chronicle gave a detailed account of how one Isaac Dzihlornu, an officer of the Ghana Immigration Service (GIS) has since 2018 been issuing death threats against the paper’s editor over a publication about him.

According to the newspaper, Dzihlornu, who was stationed at the Kotoka International Airport in Accra, went to court and obtained judgment after complaining about the said publication. The Court in its ruling had ordered the newspaper to publish an apology to the plaintiff. The Management of The Chronicle filed for a stay of execution of the ruling and subsequently began a process to file an appeal, whereupon the plaintiff became irritated and started hounding the Editor with threats.

“Don’t be happy because you succeeded in destroying someone’s life. A time will come for you to cry,” reads one of the threats by Dzihlornu sent to Akli via WhatsApp  on November 18, 2018, according to the newspaper.

The Editor says that on January 16, 2019, the day investigative journalist Ahmed Suale was killed by unknown assailants in Accra, the Immigration officer sent him a video that was circulating on social media about  how Suale was murdered with the threat; “it will happen soon.”

This threat was immediately reported to the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) of the Greater Accra.

Despite the threats being reported to the Police as far back as 2018, the police have failed to act, forcing the editor to petition the then Inspector General of Police David Asante Apeatu.  Dzihlornu was invited to the Regional Police the CID over the threats which he denied in the presence of the petitioner, Akli. There has since been no word from the police after the interrogation ended with a decision that they were going to contact telecommunication company MTN to retrieve the messages Dzihlornu sent to Akli.

The Editor says the immigration officer has continued to issue threats against him, having apparently been encouraged by the lack of action by the police. The latest one sent via WhatsApp on November 20, 2020, read;

“This is my last message to you. If you don’t publish a retraction of the stupid and useless stories you publish about me in your newspaper latest by Thursday next week, then you will blame yourself forever. You are from Anlo and I am also from Anlo. My God in heaven will not count it as a sin for me because I have exercised enough patience. You can act on it or leave it. I will seek for justice with even my last blood. Mark it on the wall.”

Speaking to the MFWA, Akli said he has been utterly disappointed with the casual attitude of the police to what is obviously a serious threat on his life.

However, responding to the MFWA’s enquiry, Superintendent Sheilla Kessie Abayie-Buckman, Director of Public Affairs of the Ghana Police Service, said she has not been apprised of the matter but assured that the Police Service does not take lightly any threat against any person. The Police Spokesperson directed that the journalist should contact the Greater Accra Police Public Relations Officer, and assured that she will herself follow-up on the status of the investigations.

The MFWA shares in the editor’s frustration at the impunity with which Dzihlornu is acting and urges the Ghana Police Service to take immediate action to bring the perpetrator to book. Press freedom is the heartbeat of democracy, and so any attempt to intimidate the media is an attack on democracy and must be fought back in a robust manner.

Ghana is yet to unravel the murder of Ahmed Suale which, alongside other recent violations, has adversely affected Ghana’s press freedom ranking since the country came up tops in Africa in 2018.

Under the UN Action Plan to end Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, states are required not only to take steps to prevent press freedom violations but also to ensure that violations are investigated and the perpetrators punished. We therefore call on the police to respond to threats on The Chronicle Editor’s life with the seriousness that it deserves.

Beaten by Soldiers, Arraigned for Assault; the Sad Case of Sierra Leonean Journalist Fayia Amara Fayia

On November 19, 2020, Fayia Amara Fayia, an investigative journalist with the Standard Times newspaper, appeared in court for the tenth time to respond to charges of assault, disorderly conduct and obstruction of security officer’s duties.

Fayia’s is a sad case of a victim turned accused as he was rather brutalised by military personnel on April 2, 2020, while on COVID-19 coverage duties in Kenema, Sierra Leone. It also underlines the state of impunity for crimes against journalists and the urgent need for legal support for journalists under persecution in connection with their legitimate professional duties.

The journalist had gone to a suspected COVID-19 quarantine facility at Dama Road to report on activities there. However, he and other journalists who had come to seek information on the facility were denied entry. He, therefore, decided to take photos with his phone from a distance. At this point, one Mohamed Sesay, described as the District Council Chairman, ordered him to stop taking the photographs and asked to meet him “in camera.” As Fayia insisted that the Council Chair should engage him in the open, Sesay called one Major Fofanah to deal with him. The soldier lunged into Fayia and grabbed his mobile phone, before calling his colleagues, about nine in number, to subject the journalist to severe beating.

“Soon they started beating beating me with gun butts, kicking and all that. They threw me in a van and took me to the police station,” Fayia later narrated to the MFWA.

The journalist fell unconscious at the police station and was rushed to the Kenema Government Hospital where he was admitted and confined to a wheel chair, still under police custody. Upon his discharge from hospital after four days, Fayia was returned to the police station and detained for three days.

As the media fraternity in Sierra Leone and other press freedom organisations including the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) condemned the attack and called for the culprits to be brought to book, the perpetrators rather struck again with a complaint of assault against their victim.

So seven days after soldiers assaulted Fayia, the police arraigned him before a Magistrate’s Court in Kenema on three counts of assault, disorderly behaviour and obstruction of security officers’ duties. The charges carry a minimum sentence of two years.

Granted bail on medical grounds by Magistrate Edwin on his first appearance in court, the journalist, also a student at Fourah Bay College in Freetown, has had to travel from the capital to Kenema nine more times for sittings followed by adjournments. The journalist has since been almost completely distracted from work.

On August 12, 2020, the Fayia reached out to the MFWA for support for his legal defense. The MFWA after assessing the case, supported the journalist with US$ 1,500 for his legal defence costs.

The support provided by the MFWA forms part of its initiative to promote safety of journalists through support for the legal defense of journalists. Besides the traditional press freedom violations such as physical attacks, threats and arrests, criminal prosecution and civil action against journalists are becoming increasingly common.

Unfortunately, the cost of seeking justice for violations is often beyond the financial means of most journalists, and at the same time, the cost of defending suits is equally prohibitive. This situation tends to dissuade journalists from seeking legal redress for violations of their right, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, exposes them to the risk of imprisonment or crippling fines.

The MFWA’s Support for Legal Defence Fund is, therefore, aimed at supporting journalists in Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone who are arbitrarily arrested, physically attacked or under prosecution for discharging their duties as journalists.

The Fund was set up with funding support from the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ghana. The support for legal defence is part of interventions under the Improving Press Freedom and Safety of Journalists Situation in Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone project which seeks to improve the safety of journalists’ conditions and fight impunity for crimes against journalists in the three countries. Journalists in the three countries can access the support till October 2021.

Reporting on Boko Haram: Frontline Journalists Recount Traumatic Experiences

Founded in 2002, Boko Haram was culled from the words “book haram” and interpreted to mean “Western education is a sin or forbidden.” Its founder, Mohammed Yusuf, sought the “purification” of Islam in the northern region of Nigeria comprising 19 states. The region is further divided into the North-East, North-West and North Central.

Boko Haram has from inception taken a grip of the North-East, which has six states, namely Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe. Of those six states, the terrorists have mainly occupied Borno, Adamawa and Yobe – with Borno being the centre of their operation.

It’s apparent from MFWA’s interactions with reporters and residents that, the sect’s activities were initially non-violent, but as Yusuf gathered more disciples and preached against Western education, the sect became more radicalised, leading to attacks on schools, churches and mosques thought to be too liberal in their Islamic teachings. The group wanted strict adherence to Sharia law and sought an Islamic state in the North. Yusuf, who preached at a mosque in Maiduguri, wanted no books to be read other than the Quran.

When he was killed, a new leader arose named Abubakar Shekau, who turned the Islamic sect into a full-blown jihadist group. The members’ beliefs are centred on strict adherence to Wahabism, which is an extremely strict form of Sunni Islam that sees many other forms of Islam as idolatrous. The group denounced the members of the Sufi and the Shiite sects as infidels. They frowned on what they described as the Westernisation of Nigeria.

Among other notorious attacks carried out by the sect was on April 14, 2014, when it kidnapped 276 teenage girls from a secondary school in Chibok, Borno State.

After learning of the kidnap, the Twitter hashtag #BringBackOurGirls became one of the most trended hashtags worldwide and inspired several other campaigns on various social media websites in hopes of pressuring the Nigerian government to do more to recover the girls.

Tearful Testimonies of Traumatised Reporters

But behind the gory headlines are a crew of troubled but heroic journalists who have been in the frontline, braving and biting bullets to bring the news to the public. Timothy Olanrewaju, a reporter for The SUN Newspapers in Nigeria, is one such journalists. He has been covering the Boko Haram insurgency from Borno State since 2003. This was a year after the sect was founded by Mohammed Yusuf.

Of the 24 years Olanrewaju says he has been practising journalism, 19 has been spent reporting from Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State and the centre of the Boko Haram insurgency.

“One of the first challenging issues I faced reporting from the theatre of Boko Haram is lack of training. Most of us were not trained on how to report terrorism. And as such, we were seriously endangered. Some of us have sustained injuries in the field. As a matter of fact, I was once an internally displaced person,” he told MFWA.

But after a while, through reading tips by war journalists and undergoing training organised by some agencies, Olanrewaju said he learnt about reporting from a conflict zone.

“It was at one of the training that I learnt that as a journalist living in a conflict zone, you don’t stay in one place. So, I had to rent three houses at different locations in the city. But even when I had different houses, terrorists would write to me and fellow journalists that they knew our houses. I had to relocate my family out of here in 2011 because of the numerous threats.”

At another training held in Kenya on reporting from conflict and sensitive environments, Olanrewaju said he learnt that he needed protective gear comprising a bulletproof jacket, helmet, first aid box, transit kits, and others.

“Unfortunately, my employer did not get these items for me. All they wanted was for you to write stories. From my findings, most Nigerian media companies do not provide capacity building for their journalists.”

In 2017, the journalist said he was gifted a bag of protective gear by CNN’s Richard Quest, who he had met at a training workshop.

Olanrewaju also complained about poor welfare for journalists reporting from the conflict zone, saying his salary of less than N100,000 ($263) per month had even been halved due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In spite of that, he has had to buy a camera from his savings to do his work.

He said, “Nobody also cares about providing hazard allowance for journalists like me reporting from a conflict zone. Salaries are not paid timely let alone hazard allowance. The salary I was being paid seven years ago is what I am still earning – which is the same salary that a reporter in normal zones is earning.

But on top of the numerous issues faced by journalists in the conflict zone is trauma. After covering terrorism for about 17 years in Borno State, Olanrewaju suggested during his interview with MFWA that he was also suffering trauma.

He said, “Some of us are facing mental health challenge. From my interaction with my colleagues, every journalist who has covered Boko Haram insurgency in Borno State for more than 10 years has mental health challenge. I can say this for a fact.

“Many of us saw people being slaughtered, we saw blood, we saw corpses on the streets. Unfortunately, most media companies don’t have departments for psychosocial support, so we are practically on our own. In fact, nobody has ever asked me how I am coping here.”

Njadvara Musa, a journalist for The Guardian Newspapers also based in Maiduguri, said he has faced trauma while reporting from the conflict area. The 64-year-old said he has constantly faced threats to his life and is traumatized. He cited repeated incidents of fatal attacks on the convoy of the Borno State Governor, Prof Babagana Zulum which was accompanied by a group of reporters including himself.

In 2020 alone, within a year of becoming governor of the state, the governor’s convoy has been thrice attacked by Boko Haram terrorists – first on July 29 in which the insurgents reportedly killed five people, including three policemen; second on September 25 when the governor travelled to Baga to prepare for the planned return of internally displaced persons. [Baga is a town once controlled by the insurgents.]

During the attack, 15 persons – eight policemen, three soldiers and four civilian joint task force operatives – in the governor’s convoy were reportedly killed.

Barely two days after the second attack, Zulum’s convoy was again attacked by terrorists on September 27. No death was recorded, but some of the vehicles in the convoy were reportedly destroyed, including a bus conveying journalists. Musa, who is from Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State, said such attacks have left many journalists afraid of their lives.

“I started reporting on Boko Haram since July 29, 2009, so it’s been 11 years of covering the insurgency. Many journalists have had to flee from here when they couldn’t cope again. Only a few journalists are left here. If there was more support, especially financially and psychologically, they probably would have stayed,” he told MFWA.

Recounting his experience when the governor’s convoy was attacked by Boko Haram on September 25, he said, “I had to lie on the ground to escape gunfire between the governor’s security agents and the terrorists. It was a heated exchange of gunfire. Eventually, around 15 security agents were killed.”

Musa also complained about lack of protective gear to use while doing his job. He said “Many journalists here like me don’t have the protective gear, so it limits how we cover the crisis. We usually rely on our native intelligence to escape from attacks. “The military has supported us on several occasions by giving us helmets and bulletproof vests when we are going to cover their operation. But of course, we return their protective kits when we return from such special assignments.”

Ahmed Mari, a journalist for The Champion Newspapers, has been reporting on the Boko Haram crisis since 2009, also shared his experiences with MFWA. He has also received numerous threats from the terrorists, although the security situation is now gradually improving.

He said “In the past, the terrorists would send text messages to journalists that they knew us very well. Sometimes they would ask why we were not reporting them well. They organised teleconferences for us and there they would threaten to kill us if we didn’t do their bidding.

“They considered us as their enemies and drew a battle line with us. Some of my colleagues have had to flee here because of continuous threats. I remember there was a particular time we had to help a colleague escape to Abuja because the insurgents were after his life.”

Mari also asked media owners to support journalists covering conflict, especially in the area of psychotherapy.

“There is a way that what we have seen has affected our mental health. I have somehow accepted my fate that one day, I would die, because anything can happen. I’ve seen lots of corpses and blood. It’s a lot I have taken in,” he said.

Apart from Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram, two other states in Nigeria, Yobe and Adamawa, are mainly occupied by the terrorists.

Joel Duku, a reporter for The Nation Newspapers in Yobe State, said he and other journalists in the state sometimes got scared because of the occasional shootings by terrorists.

He said, “Life here has been very difficult. Some of us were not exposed to conflict reporting prior to the Boko Haram insurgency; we learnt on the job. We still get scared sometimes.

“For safety reasons, there are still many places we can’t go to report. Things are gradually restoring to normalcy but the trauma the insurgents has left with many of us journalists still remains. Even till now, we have to be careful of what we say, and when and where we say it”, the journalist sobbed.

“When we hear gunshots or sounds of a bomb explosion, we are afraid of our lives and those of our families. We can’t sleep with our two eyes closed. Unfortunately, in terms of welfare and psychosocial support for journalists, it’s not really there,” Duku bemoaned.

Similarly, a journalist with one of the government-owned television stations in Yola, Adamawa State, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said she had been exposed to trauma due to years of continuous reportage on Boko Haram insurgency.

“It’s been close to a decade of covering Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East, and seriously speaking, I’m mentally frustrated. There are times I wouldn’t feel like eating food when I recollect how innocent souls, especially children and women like me, have been murdered by the insurgents. It takes a toll on my health,” she told MFWA.

Psychotherapy tips for traumatic journalists

An expert in psychotherapy at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ogun State, Nigeria, Oladotun Adeyemo, noted that journalists reporting from conflict zones might be experiencing trauma due to either of two factors – personally experiencing attacks, or witnessing attacks on others.

“What they are passing through could be acute stress disorder (ASD) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depending on the duration of the trauma. ASD and PTSD are due to having flashbacks of what they have experienced, that is, re-experiencing what they have experienced. ASD lasts for a short time, maybe a week or two, but PTSD lasts longer. The reason for the flashbacks is because the brain does not sleep, even when someone is sleeping,” Adeyemo explained to MFWA.

For such journalists to overcome trauma, the psychotherapist said they needed to weaken the structures of the brain that were bringing the flashbacks. He said, “They need to let the brain flush out those flashbacks by going to a therapeutic environment. They may not stop having those flashbacks immediately, but over time, if they are subjected to a therapeutic environment, the flashbacks will go away.

“This they can do by consulting clinical psychologists to help them relieve their experiences in a manner that will not agitate them again. Professionals know professional ways to flood the brain of someone with trauma with ‘positive or happy stories.’”

But should journalists have difficulty consulting psychotherapists, Adeyemo advised them to seek support from people closest to them, and also engage in physical activities like walking and dancing as such activities have the capacity to lighten up the mood.

He said, “Alternatively, they can ask for ‘significant support’ – that is, from people closer to them like their spouses and colleagues. They should find shoulders to lean on.”

However, consulting professionals remains the best tip for journalists going through trauma, Adeyemo emphasised.

Safety protocols for journalists in crisis areas

A security researcher at the Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nigeria, Prof Olayemi Akinwumi, urged journalists covering conflict zones to always look for best practices in terms of their safety.

“When reporting from a conflict zone, they should be armed with safety gadgets. They are also encouraged to go for more training on conflict reporting.

“The Nigerian Union of Journalists can partner organisations that can specially train journalists on how to protect themselves in a conflict zone. Media organisations should also ensure to provide comprehensive insurance plans, including life insurance, for their reporters in conflict zones,” Akinwumi told MFWA.

Also, besides improving the working conditions of reporters in conflict zones, a security expert-cum-media analyst based in Lagos, Nigeria, Judith Okon, offered some safety tips for the journalists.

First, she asked the journalists to make life protection their top priority by wearing protective equipment such as helmet, life jacket, and gas mask.

“The journalists should also follow regular and systematic professional training about news coverage in a hostile environment and share their daily locations and schedules with the NUJ branch or at least one colleague in their places of assignment.

“They should also keep the distance from conflict zones before making live coverage for TV and web and remain cautious when unknown individuals offer them news opportunities because of kidnapping attempts.

“Also, they should ensure that their identification cards are clearly visible for the authorities or any groups. They should never stay alone after traumatic experiences by sharing their stories and feelings with at least one person.

“Lastly, I would say they should take a break and ask for relocation, even for a short period, after the coverage of traumatic experiences. When the post-trauma effects are lasting for a long time, they should seek professional help,” Okon told MFWA.

Nigerian journalists’ union advocates better welfare for members

Speaking with MFWA, the President of the Nigerian Union of Journalists, Chris Isiguzo, said the union had from time to time reached out to media companies to provide better welfare and offer psychotherapy for journalists covering conflict zones.

“For journalists operating in conflict areas, we have been reaching out to media owners that before sending reporters to such areas, they are supposed to properly train and provide proper remuneration for them. Also, comprehensive insurance packages should be provided for such journalists,” he said.

“So on our part, we have always advocated that journalists, particularly those reporting from conflict areas, should be well remunerated. Unfortunately, we have the problems of poor and irregular remunerations in the media industry. They are commonplace and they are huge challenges that journalists are facing. Journalists are not safe in the North-East. And now, conflicts are escalating in other northern states like Katsina, Sokoto and Kaduna,” Isiguzo added.

“As I speak, I have yet to learn of any media house that has a full insurance package for its journalists. The necessary legislation is not there. We have written letters to the Presidency and the National Assembly on this. And once the necessary legislation is not there, the challenges will linger. But we will not relent until we get to the place of our dreams,” Isiguzo observed, adding that “this is why we are also pushing for a Media Enhancement Bill that criminalises any action that does not empower and protect journalists at workplaces.”

The MFWA celebrates these gallant journalists whose sacrifices have enabled the Nigerian and international audience follow the Boko Haram insurgency and appreciate its full impact on the lives of the people of Northern Nigeria in particular.  We urge media owners and managers, civil society and the government of Nigeria to provide the necessary capacity and logistics support to the journalists on the frontline of the Boko Haram conflict.

Electioneering Campaigns in Burkina Faso amid the COVID-19: Social Media to the Rescue

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13 candidates are contesting the presidential elections of November 22, 2020 in Burkina Faso. The electoral campaigns have been conducted on the ground, but not with the usual enthusiasm and excitement. The need to respect COVID-19 protocols has forced the candidates and parties to exploit the power of social media and the online campaigns have proven sensational. Each candidate is deploying their strategy. Although some find it difficult to assert themselves on the internet, others stand out through their effective use of digital technology.

In the race for the presidential chair are Tahirou Barry (MCR), Zéphirin Diabré (UPC), Ségui Ambroise Farama (OPA-BF), Roch Marc Christian Kaboré (MPP), Monique Yéli Kam (MRB), Eddie Komboïgo (CDP), Ablassé Ouédraogo (Le Faso Autrement), Gilbert Noël Ouédraogo (ADF-RDA), Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo (Agir Ensemble), Kiemdoro Do Pascal Sessouma (Vision Burkina), Abdoulaye Soma (Mouvement Soleil D’Avenir), Claude Aimé Tassembédo (Independent candidate ) and Yacouba Isaac Zida (MPS).

Each candidate is more or less active on social networks, especially Facebook (the most popular network). The most active and followed on Facebook are Tahirou Barry, Zéphirin Diabré, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, Eddie Komboïgo, Yacouba Isaac Zida, Gilbert Noël Ouédraogo, Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo and Ablassé Ouédraogo.

Five of the candidates and / or their parties (Zéphirin Diabré, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, Gilbert Noël Ouédraogo and Yacouba Isaac Zida who lives in exile in Canada) are present on Twitter. It also the same group pf candidates are using websites. Thus, in form alone, we can note a contrast in the use of digital technology by candidates for the 2020 presidential election.

It is Eddie Komboïgo of the CDP (party of ex-President Blaise Compaoré), who was the first to start direct (or live) streaming on his Facebook page since the start of the electoral campaign on October 31, 2020. The others who were content to post photos and texts ended up following his lead. Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, the incumbent, began his campaign almost a week late (on November 4, his first direct date of November 5 at 2:56 p.m.) due to the funeral of his father who died on October 27.

In terms of the number of posts, the incumbent far exceeds the other candidates with an average of about twenty posts per day on Facebook. And on Twitter, it is still he, President-candidate Roch Kaboré, who is the most active, with an average of ten tweets per day. The publications of the various candidates on social networks mainly relate to their campaign activities. But some are distinguishing themselves through the creation of concepts or simply through retorts. Candidates, party militants and activists have also set social media abuzz with creative campaign statements relayed on Facebook.

For example, the expression “Hakuna Matata” (No problem in Swahili language in Kenya) was thrown up by Simon Compaoré, President of the ruling party (MPP) and national campaign director of Roch Kaboré, during a rally. CDP candidate Eddie Komboïgo was quick to respond: “Hakuna Chiida” (as if to say “there are problems” in the country). These two reactions were playfully posted on social networks (Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) by activists or activists.

A few days after this episode, Simon Compaoré showed himself in a widely circulated Facebook and WhatsApp video in which he almost made a mistake. Indeed, while intending to say President Roch Kaboré, he was heard saying: “President B…” . Comments have spilled all over the web to the effect that ruling party Chair almost mentioned former Burkinabe President Blaise Compaore. The same Simon Compaoré, in another campaign video posted on Facebook, confused the CDP and his party, the MPP: “There are people who have benefited from the projects of President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré and who swear that ‘he did nothing, that the CDP did nothing…”.

Another event that made the headlines of social networks during this campaign relates to the promise of Zéphirin Diabré, who said he wanted to build a tunnel from the sea to Burkina Faso. Over the next few days, the UPC leader retracted his words: “A Canal is one thing, and a tunnel is a different thing. If they didn’t go to a good school, it’s not our fault. We want to make a tunnel. We want to clear the weeds and desilt the various rivers to better benefit from them.”

Meanwhile, Abdoulaye Soma promises the creation of a state mining company and a Burkinabè monetary fund with 100 billion FCFA seed fund. Tahirou Barry, meanwhile, announces that he wants to turn the Sahel into a true milk processing plant, while at the same time Roch Marc Christian Kaboré pledges to win the bet for the security and stability of the country.

Between verbal jousts reported on the internet and targeted publications, the different candidates often send arrows at each other, being guilty of non-compliance with the pact of good conduct that they signed on October 26, 2020. And the situation worsens especially when these comments or facts are reported by the media, particularly online and on social networks.

The Pact of Good Conduct is considered as an additional legal means which enshrines the commitment on honor of political, media and civil society actors, to conform their conduct to the deep aspirations of peace and social cohesion. By the way, the mid-term review drawn up on November 12 by the Superior Council of Communication (CSC) of the media coverage of the campaign highlights 9 cases of violations of regulations, ethics and professional conduct by 8 media outlets including 3 online media. This is, among other things, relaying comments related to the security issue.

“If there is one region in Burkina Faso that has suffered for 5 years from the power of the MPP, it is the Eastern region. The MPP gave you up, abandoned you, and threw you to the terrorists and they are in Ouagadougou.” These words of Zéphirin Diabré reported by several press organs including the online media Burkina24 were considered by the Superior Council of Communication (CSC) as a breach and a violation of the Pact of Good Conduct. “There is someone who sat in Kossyam (presidential palace) to say that he received a certain number of people from the beginning in 2016. Go ask him the question, who knows who” (Eddie Komboïgo) , also relayed on its Facebook page the Omega radio station which was also pinned down by the CSC.

“Me, I say, I am totally inclusive, I am not a regionalist. For some time now, we have known that the power is in the Center. Regionalism is reprehensible. If Vision Burkina takes power in 2020, state power will devolve from the Center, and therefore to the Mossi ethnic group until 2030 necessarily. If we take power, we will propose Juliette Bonkoungou as president until 2030. We will reverse things, sometimes with presidents from the West, the North, etc. But also, Prime Ministers from the Mossi and other ethnic groups. We will choose the best to run the country. It is a state policy that I am proposing to appease all the components of this country.” These remarks made by Do Pascal Sessouma on Lefaso.net are also considered by the regulatory authority as a breach of the signed Pact.

In addition, if there is one fact that has so far marked this electoral campaign, especially on social networks, it is the spirit of solidarity expressed by the various candidates after the terrorist attack in Tin-Akoff on the 11th. November 2020. 14 Burkinabè soldiers lost their lives. This attack caused turmoil among the candidates who decided to declare two days of mourning and to suspend all campaign activity and even on social networks. The candidates made these announcements individually through social networks (Facebook and Twitter).